The East Tomb and other Tomb Buildings at Balboura

1993 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 41-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. H. Hallett ◽  
J. J. Coulton

To the north east of Balboura, on the far side of the stream-bed, lie the ruins of an imposing tomb (see Fig. 1), the largest and most elaborate so far discovered in the area. Built directly on and partly into the hillside, the building was oriented to look straight across the valley towards the city (orientation: 27° E of true north—see Fig. 2; i.e. the tomb faces approx. SSW); and apparently it stood in splendid isolation, at some distance from the other tombs of the northern necropolis, and on somewhat higher ground. The remains of another tomb of similar type, but of smaller dimensions, can be seen across the valley in the neighbouring cemetery; and a third faces the city from the slopes to the south.Although at first sight there seems to be little of the building left in place Pl. 1 (a, b); Fig. 2), enough remains for us to be fairly sure of its original form. It was built on two levels: above, standing on a stepped podium, a monumental building designed to house large stone sarcophagi—a structure most often described in inscriptions throughout Asia. Minor as a heroön (and for convenience so designated here); and below, within the podium, a lower chamber or crypt, often referred to in inscriptions as a hyposorion, normally intended for the various dependants of those entombed above. The building was constructed from the local white limestone; and while certainly the most ambitious sepulchral monument yet known from Balboura, it shows a relatively simple design, and the same rather rough-and-ready workmanship as the other buildings of the site.


Twejer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 589-628
Author(s):  
Dilshad Aziz Marif ◽  

This paper deals with the ancient settlements in the plain where the city of Sulaimani found in 1874 A.D. In his book (Babylonian Problems) Lane (1923) proposes that modern Sulaimani built on the long-lost city of Celonae that was mentioned by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great.” Also, the Kurdish historian Amin Zeki in his book (The History of Sulaimani)1951, agrees with Lane, and he suggests that the name of modern Sulaimani’s name perhaps derived from the same name of Celonae. Many other historians and archaeologists repeat the same identification. In this paper, we investigated this identification, and we found that the city of Celonae was mentioned only once by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great,” he refers to the journey of Alexander the Great from Susa to Ekbatana, according to Rufus, on his way, Alexander camped in Celonae. We suggest a new identification for the Celonae Town in the northern edges of Garmian district at the foot or on the top of one of the mountains of the modern Qaradagh ranges, because, Alexander took the road from Susa to the north then east crossing the city of Sittake on the Tigris near Celucia/al-Madain, then moving to other cities along the road to the direction of the north-east, camped in Celonae, then moved to the east and reached Bagastana (Behistun) and after wards to Ecbatana, the capital of the Median Empire in (modern Hamadan). We found also, that the Assyrian royal inscriptions refer to a mountain called Siluna, the Assyrian king Adad-Narari III (811-783 B.C.) in his campaign on Namri and Media, after crossing the Lower Zab toward the east, first he mentions the mountain Siluna, where the sun rises, then he occupied Namri and crossed the other lands in the east to reach Media, and since Namri was the land of the Kassites (in the post-Kassite period) located in the area of Sangaw-Garmian-Qaradagh-Bamo ranges, we can conclude that the mountain Siluna and the city Celonae were located in the same place somewhere in Qaradagh ranges. In the base of the above-mentioned evidence, we can reject the previous identification of Celonai with modern Sulaimani. On the other hand, in this paper we discussed other identifications of modern Sulaimani with ancient cities and towns mentioned in the cuneiform records, for instance, Radner (2017), suggests that the Zamuan capital city of Arrakdi of the Lullubu people located under modern Sulaimani, but this is not a proper identification, because the city of Arrakdi was mentioned in the cuneiform records three times, and in all records they refer to the point that the city located beyond a roughed mountain, the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II refers that the city located at the foot of the roughed mountain Lara, and this mountain should be modern Lare mountain in the east of Shabazher district far east from modern Sulaimani. Also, the cuneiform tablet that was discovered in Sitak in Sharbazher district and that tablet also refers to Arrakdi. Also, we found that Spiser linked the village of Uluba (Ulubulagh) now it is a district in the southern east of Sulaimani, with the Lullubian City of Lagalaga, this identification only based on the similarities between the two toponyms. On the other hand, Abdulraqeeb Yusuf, suggests that the old village of Daragha, which is now a district in the eastern part of Sulaimani derived from the Zamuan city Dagara of the Lullubies, this identification also not appropriate one, because the village and district named after the name of a nobleman called Mr. Dara Agha, and there is no archaeological ruin in this district as well. The city of Sulaimani was built on an area where a huge archaeological Gird/Tell existed, the Babanian princes built their palace on this artificial hill and the administrative buildings to the east of it, when they dug for the foundations, they discovered coins, a stone with unknown script, and many jars, some of them big jars contained human skulls. In 2005, when the modern building Kaso Mall constructed on the northwest of the hill, we found two seals date back to Jamdet-Naser = Nineveh V period, and Ubaid potsherds, and some bull skulls, their horns cut with a sharp instrument. This evidence indicate that the city was built on a settlement date back to the 5th-4th millennium B.C. Other archaeological discoveries in Girdi Kunara and Girdi De Kon in the western part of the city at the bank of Qiliasan and Tanjero rivers, in Kunara many cuneiform tablets discovered there, we can link these sites also with the Lullubies in the third & second millennium B.C.



2005 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ifran Aslan ◽  
Andrzej Warchalowski

A series of ca. 50 specimens of a small Longitarsus Latr. in the undescribed species were collected from the North-East of Asia Minor in the field research during the 21.VIII—1.IX.2003. Longitarsus ozbeki sp. n. is described and illustrated from north west of Turkey. This species is phenotypically similar to Longitarsus albineus (Foudras) and Longitarsus artvinus Gruev & Aslan. L. ozbeki sp. n. differs from the other two species by the outline of pronotum, coloration of body, punctuation of elytra, coloration of claws, tarsomeres, and metanotum, central lobe of anal sternite in male, aedeagus and spermathecae. Length ofbody is 1.9— 2.2 mm (mean 2.13 mm) and 2.4—2.6 mm (mean 2.46 mm) in male and female, respectively.



Antiquity ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 50 (200) ◽  
pp. 216-222
Author(s):  
Beatrice De Cardi

Ras a1 Khaimah is the most northerly of the seven states comprising the United Arab Emirates and its Ruler, H. H. Sheikh Saqr bin Mohammad al-Qasimi, is keenly interested in the history of the state and its people. Survey carried out there jointly with Dr D. B. Doe in 1968 had focused attention on the site of JuIfar which lies just north of the present town of Ras a1 Khaimah (de Cardi, 1971, 230-2). Julfar was in existence in Abbasid times and its importance as an entrep6t during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries-the Portuguese Period-is reflected by the quantity and variety of imported wares to be found among the ruins of the city. Most of the sites discovered during the survey dated from that period but a group of cairns near Ghalilah and some long gabled graves in the Shimal area to the north-east of the date-groves behind Ras a1 Khaimah (map, FIG. I) clearly represented a more distant past.



Author(s):  
Sergey B. Kuklev ◽  
Vladimir A. Silkin ◽  
Valeriy K. Chasovnikov ◽  
Andrey G. Zatsepin ◽  
Larisa A. Pautova ◽  
...  

On June 7, 2018, a sub-mesoscale anticyclonic eddy induced by the wind (north-east) was registered on the shelf in the area of the city of Gelendzhik. With the help of field multidisciplinary expedition ship surveys, it was shown that this eddy exists in the layer above the seasonal thermocline. At the periphery of the eddy weak variability of hydrochemical parameters and quantitative indicators of phytoplankton were recorded. The result of the formation of such eddy structure was a shift in the structure of phytoplankton – the annual observed coccolithophores bloom was not registered.



2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Ankita Pandey

Guwahati derives its name from the Assamese word “Guwa” means areca nut and “Haat” means market. However, the modern Guwahati had been known as the ancient Pragjyotishpura and was the capital of Assam under the Kamrupa kingdom. A beautiful city Guwahati is situated on the south bank of the river Bramhaputra. Moreover, It is known as the largest city in the Indian state of Assam and also the largest metropolis in North East India. It has also its importance as the gateway to the North- East India. Assamese and English are the spoken languages in Guwahati.  In 1667, the Mogul forces were defeated in the battle by the Ahom forces commanded by Lachut Barphukan. Thus, in a sense Guwahati became the bone of contention among the Ahoms, Kochas and the Moguls during the medieval period.  Guwahati the administrative headquarters of Lower Assam with a viceroy or Barbhukan was made by the Ahom king.  Since 1972 it has been the capital of Assam. The present paper will discuss the changes happened in Guwahati over the period of late 1970s till the present time. It will focus on the behavior of people, transformed temples, Panbazar of the city, river bank of Bramhaputra, old Fancy Bazaar, chaotic ways, festivals and seasons including a fifth man made season etc. It will also deal how over the years a city endowed with nature’s gifts and scenic views, has been changing as “a dirty city”. Furthermore, it will also present the insurgencies that have barged into the city. The occurrence of changes will be discussed through the perspective and point of view of Srutimala Duara as presented in her book Mindprints of Guwahati.



2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudy Ercek ◽  
Didier Viviers ◽  
Nadine Warzée

<p>The city of Itanos is situated in the North-East of Crete. Between 1994 and 2005, the French School of Archaeology at Athens (Efa) and the Center for Mediterranean Studies in Rethymnon carried out excavation campaigns during which a necropolis and an Archaic building have been explored by a team of the CReA. A very close collaboration between archeologists, engineers and computer graphic designers allowed the 3D reconstruction of these remains. The archeologist was able to directly verify his hypotheses during the reconstruction process. In summer 2007 and 2008, a 3D digitalization of Itanos was made in order to insert the 3D reconstructions into the actual landscape.</p>



2020 ◽  
pp. 393-406
Author(s):  
Pat Wheatley ◽  
Charlotte Dunn
Keyword(s):  

The devastating failure in Macedonia sent reverberations throughout Demetrius Poliorcetes’ other possessions. The king suffered from multiple revolts and losses among his remaining territories, including unrest within the city of Athens, where the citizens again tried to take advantage of the situation and free their city from Macedonian rule. Demetrius, however, was able to overcome these setbacks, and made another alliance. This chapter gives an overview of these events as well as Demetrius’ quickly adapting strategy, and intentions to continue his campaign regardless of any setbacks. He embarked on his fleet to Asia Minor, intending to launch his great campaign, and began attacks on the territories of the other Successors.



Author(s):  
Bernhard Weisser

The Editors of this Book Requested a study of an individual city to contrast with the broader regional surveys. This contribution attempts to demonstrate the advantages of a fuller exploration of the specific context of a civic coinage by focusing on selected issues from the coinage of Pergamum— alongside Ephesus and Smyrna one of the three largest cities in the Western part of Asia Minor. In the Julio-Claudian period Pergamum’s coin designs were dominated by the imperial succession and the city’s first neocorate temple (17 BC–AD 59). In AD 59 Pergamum’s coinage stopped for more than two decades. When it resumed under Domitian (AD 83) new topics were continuously introduced until the reign of Caracalla (AD 211–17). These included gods, cults, heroes, personifications, architecture, sculpture, games, and civic titles. After Caracalla the city concentrated on a few key images, such as Asclepius or the emperor. At the same time, coin legends— especially civic titles—gained greater importance. This trend continued until the city’s coinage came to an end under Gallienus (AD 253–68). The overall range of Pergamum’s coin iconography was broadly similar to that of other cities in the East of the Roman empire. Coins of Pergamum from the imperial period fall into (at least) sixty-four issues, the most diverse of which employed twenty different coin types. In all, around 340 different types are currently known. They provide a solid base from which to explore various relationships. These include the relationship between coin obverses and reverses, as well as the place of an individual coin type within its own issue, and within the city’s coinage as a whole. Coin designs could allude to objects and events within Pergamum itself, or focus on the city’s connections with the outside world: with small neighbouring cities, with the other great cities within the province of Asia, or with Rome and the imperial family. Communication via the medium of civic coinage was in the first instance presumably directed towards the citizens of Pergamum. At the same time coinage also reflected developments outside the city. Social and geographical mobility was encouraged by an imperial system which allowed distinguished members of local elites access to the highest military and administrative posts.



2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrico PIETROGRANDE ◽  
Alessandro DALLA CANEVA ◽  
Ignasi NAVÀS SALVADÓ

This work concerns Vicenza, a city located not far from Venice in the north-east corner of Italy, and it specifically refers to an area situated on the outskirts of the city’s urban fabric between the perimeter of its ancient walls and the banks of the Bacchiglione river, in the shadow of the abandoned monastery of St. Biagio. The idea of restoring that physically and socially degraded area of the city of Vicenza has long been the object of discussion on the part of local authorities. Once intimately linked to the city’s historic center, the area gradually lost its functional and social identity becoming first a parking lot and then equipped as a city warehouse. The intent to regenerate the area and the observation that the relationship between the city and its river is constantly refused, or delayed, lead to recognize in the long edge of the area a unique meeting opportunity which allows to repair the water-city association, recuperating rituals and connections from the past. The municipality is presently planning on pursuing a qualitative restoration of the area which will be used for social and cultural enrichment. The final part of the current work outlines some proposals that were developed during the Architectural and Urban Composition 2 course recently offered by the Department of Civil, Environmental and Architectural Engineering of the University of Padua (Italy).



Toxins ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Tasoulis ◽  
Anjana Silva ◽  
Punnam Chander Veerati ◽  
Mark Baker ◽  
Wayne C. Hodgson ◽  
...  

Intra-specific venom variation has the potential to provide important insights into the evolution of snake venom, but remains a relatively neglected aspect of snake venom studies. We investigated the venom from 13 individual coastal taipans Oxyuranus scutellatus from four localities on the north-east coast of Australia, spanning a distance of 2000 km. The intra-specific variation in taipan venom was considerably less than the inter-specific variation between it and the other Australian elapids to which it was compared. The electrophoretic venom profile of O. scutellatus was visually different to six other genera of Australian elapids, but not to its congener inland taipan O. microlepidotus. There was minimal geographical variation in taipan venom, as the intra-population variation exceeded the inter-population variation for enzymatic activity, procoagulant activity, and the abundance of neurotoxins. The pre-synaptic neurotoxin (taipoxin) was more abundant than the post-synaptic neurotoxins (3FTx), with a median of 11.0% (interquartile range (IQR): 9.7% to 18.3%; range: 6.7% to 23.6%) vs. a median of 3.4% (IQR: 0.4% to 6.7%; range: 0% to 8.1%). Three taipan individuals almost completely lacked post-synaptic neurotoxins, which was not associated with geography and occurred within two populations. We found no evidence of sexual dimorphism in taipan venom. Our study provides a basis for evaluating the significance of intra-specific venom variation within a phylogenetic context by comparing it to the inter-specific and inter-generic variation. The considerable intra-population variation we observed supports the use of several unpooled individuals from each population when making inter-specific comparisons.



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