Ekonomiczne aspekty integracji Bośni i Hercegowiny z Unią Europejską w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-198
Author(s):  
Monika Szynol

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU’s enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU’s policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) belongs to the group of countries of the Western Balkans, which has the status of potential candidate for EU membership. However, to achieve candidate status and full EU membership, it is necessary to carry out complex structural reforms that should ensure convergence towards EU countries, which will be a long and difficult process. The aim of this paper is to point to the specificities of economic and political transformations in BiH in the context of economic changes occurring in the environment and which can significantly affect the EU accession process. This paper gives an overview of the basic economic features of B & H, as well as projections on the movement of certain economic categories in the forthcoming period. An analysis of the position of B & H in the group of countries of the Western Balkans and the perspective of economic growth was conducted.


AGROFOR ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Łukasz AMBROZIAK

The aim of the paper is to compare the competitive positions of Poland and of sixcountries of the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia,Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia) in their trade in agri-food products with theEuropean Union (EU) in 2010–2015. To this end, the synthetic tradecompetitiveness index (CI) was created, being the arithmetic average of twonormalised indices of the competitive position, i.e. the trade coverage index (TC)and the Balassa revealed comparative advantages index (RCA). The study is basedon the trade data from the WITS – World Integrated Trade Solution database(Comtrade, HS – Harmonised System 2002), expressed in USD. Agri-foodproducts are understood as products classified in chapters 01–24 of the HarmonisedCommodity Description and Coding System (HS). The research results show thatonly in trade of 5 product groups no country from the Western Balkans competedwith Poland in the EU market. In other product groups which were competitive inPolish exports Poland competed in the EU market with some of the WesternBalkan countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-156
Author(s):  
A. M. Ponamareva

The paper provides a retrospective analysis of the European Union’s policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and its possible outcomes for BiH progress towards positive sovereignty amid growing international tensions in the Western Balkans. The paper draws on a vast body of both Russian and Western academic literature on the collapse of Yugoslavia, BiH under the Dayton Agreements, the possibilities of democracy building in divided societies, as well as on a range of official documents adopted by various EU institutions. On that basis the author assesses the prospects for BiH to survive in its current administrative-territorial borders. The paper examines the outcomes of the Bosnian War, as well as the main effects of the external governance mechanisms implementation in BiH. This allows the author to trace the evolution of the EU policy towards BiH and to reassess the country’s progress in terms of Eurointegration. Since the EU has refused to grant countries, which do not meet the Copenhagen criteria, the status of a member state ‘in advance’, the main conclusions on the prospects of the BiH accession to the EU are drawn from the European Commission’s 2020 Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Following the logic and the structure of the report, the author assesses the BiH efforts to meet the set targets and criteria, such as establishing a stable democratic political system, promoting the development of civil society institutions and the rule of law, combating corruption and organized crime, ensuring the protection of human rights and freedoms, migration management, strengthening economy and regional cooperation. The report of the European Commission clearly hints that most obstacles for BiH progress towards EU membership arise from the lack of support from the Republika Srpska and that it is impossible to overcome its obstruction within the framework of Dayton Agreements. However, the author argues that this fixation on revision of the Dayton Agreements, accompanied by excessive pressure on the Serbian community in BiH may provoke protective reaction of the Serbian community, resulting in a rising nationalism and disintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina.


Author(s):  
Qerimi Donikë

This chapter presents Western Balkans perspectives on the Hague Principles. The term ‘Western Balkans’ is used to denominate the countries of the Balkan peninsula which are not member of the European Union: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. The countries of the Western Balkans have had a rather troubled past and the beginning of this century found them (re)building their countries, including their legislation. Given the urgency of other areas of law, Private International Law (PIL) was not in the focus of most of these countries’ reforms, academia, or court practice until recently. Unlike the EU regulations and Hague Conventions, the Hague Principles are not listed among the ‘inspirations’ of any of the current draft laws in the region. Experts who helped in drafting the ongoing reforms, however, have testified to the vast collection of international instruments and PIL codifications of other European countries that were used as inspiration when preparing these drafts. These preparations might have included the Hague Principles as well.


POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
Firmansyah Firmansyah ◽  
Ali Muhammad

<p>The European Union (EU) is an intergovernmental and supranational organization enlarging its membership since its formation. Due to the benefits, neighboring European countries are volunteering to join the EU. One of the EU candidate member countries is Serbia. In the process of gaining the status of EU candidate country, Serbia has faced many challenges and yet to fulfill the Copenhagen criteria as the conditions of membership by transforming and strengthening democracy. In the economic field, it is struggling to develop free markets and the rule of law. Serbia has collaborated with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to process the war criminals in the past. Serbia succeeded in obtaining the status of candidate membership of the EU on March 1, 2012, which then became its new chapter.  </p>


elni Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Erjon Muharremaj

This paper analyses the main role of legislation and courts in the protection of the environment in the EU and its impact on the course of the European integration of Albania, a candidate country for EU membership. It begins with a brief analysis of the relationship between EU law and domestic law of Member States. It continues with the analysis of the relationship between international law and domestic law in Albania, and sets out the role of the courts in the protection of environment in the EU. Further, the scope of the analysis includes the challenges, the status, and the role of courts in the process of the approximation with the environmental acquis in Albania. Lastly, it is argued that the protection of the environment is multi-faceted and requires an integrated approach. Although Albania has generally harmonised its environmental legislation with the acquis communautaire, it must make serious efforts towards its proper implementation in practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-38
Author(s):  
Simon Sweeney

This article assesses the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the Western Balkans, with a focus on EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Althea is a military operation that conducts mainly civilian functions as well as the training of the Bah Armed Forces; its 'civilianisation' is symptomatic of CSDP's orientation as a mainly civilian crisis management instrument. Althea works within the framework of the Union's 'comprehensive approach' to regional development and the accession process of the Western Balkans to the EU. I argue that the mission displays the bureaucratic modus operandi of CSDP and not a Grand Strategy approach. Nevertheless, CSDP's incremental, lowest-common-denominator, low cost, low risk bureaucratic politics have enabled a form of emergent strategy that complements the Union's multi-instrument and comprehensive approach to development throughout the Western Balkans. I further suggest that the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) and the newly activated Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) provides opportunities for EU member states to build on low key emergent strategy to ensure that CSDP develops the substance and actor ness needed to address current threats.


2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-25
Author(s):  
Ivana Radic-Milosavljevic

The article deals with the problem of the Western Balkans countries? accession and association process impasse. The author finds the key causes of this problem in the very nature of an asymmetric relationship between the EU and these countries with the Stabilization and Association Process laying in its core. Both sides have contributed to this problem: the EU with its overambitious approach to the region, vaguely defined and ever-changing criteria, but also the countries participating in the Process with their uncritical approach to the possible membership, unclearly defined interests and aims, slow reforms, and weak democratic tradition. For the process to be successfully continued, the author discusses the idea of its substantial remodeling towards a flexible process. In light of the frequent discussions about the possible moving of the European integration towards more differentiation, the process of flexible association or accession would enable EU membership only in selected policy areas. The policy areas would be chosen in accordance with the previously clearly defined and thoroughly analyzed interests and capabilities of the candidate and potential candidate countries. The author argues that the association/accession process should be separated as much as possible from the political conditioning in order to decrease the possibility of taking arbitrary decisions on whether the countries have advanced in the process or not. For the Western Balkan countries, this kind of less demanding process would be easier to accomplish and would allow more autonomy in choosing areas of integration and pace of accommodation. For the EU member states, it would provide a way to regain the credibility of its once most successful foreign policy activity.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 713-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Cvijic

The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haris Omerika ◽  
Mehmedalija Hadžović

One of the basic and strategic goals of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina is a full membership in the European Union. During 1992-1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina has passed through one of the most difficult periods in its’ history. The war has completely devastated the economical structure and the aftermaths were visible in the following years. As a new paradigm, the European Union appears. The European Union has helped the Western Balkans countries to overcome national tensions and offered them a new perspective; new regional and european integrations should be a new, historical chance for them. In the light of this, the focus of this paper is the impact of trade liberalization between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina on the export from Bosnia and Herzegovina to European Union. The above mentioned impact has been observed in the period of eleven years. The total export amount of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2015 was 4,6 billion euros, while the amount of the import was 8,1 billion euros, which makes nearly 60% in favor of import. Traditionally, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s most important foreign trade partner is the European Union where Bosnia and Herzegovina has a deficit in foreign trade. The portion of export to EU during 2015 was 71,79% while the portion of import was 60,85%. The coverage of import over export was 66,89%. In the period of 2005-2015, most of the products have been placed to markets in Croatia, Germany, Italy, and Serbia, which is not the EU member. The process of trade liberalization in 2015 has resulted in surplus of trade with certain EU countries; Austria, Luxembourg and Estonia while the decrease in trade has been recorded with Germany, Slovenia and Czech Republic. Regarding the export, Bosnia and Herzegovina mailny places products which have labour-intensive character. In the econometrics analysis, extented gravitational models of trade have been placed. Besides the abovementioned, the following econometrical techinques have been used: panel data models (PD), fixed effecs models (RE) and panel corrected standard errors (PCSE). In addition, Hausman test has been applied. According to the analysis that has been carried out, the following has been concluded; InGDPi, InGDPj and InDISTij variables are statistically important on the level of 5% in the period of gradual liberalization. The SSP1 an EK variables are not siginificant.In the other moder, in the period of complete liberalization InGDPi, InGDPj and SSP2 variables have a significant impact on a dependent variable on a level of 5%. InDISTij and EK variables have a significant impact on a level od 5% as well. The above mentioned result confirm the research hypothesis; trade liberalization has a significant impact on the export of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU. The basic limit of this research can be a relatively short observation period, caused by the fact that the data of merchandise trade between Bosnia and Herzegovina and EU countries until 2005 are not accessible.


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