Anti-gender politics in East-Central Europe: Right-wing defiance to West-Eurocentrism

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2021) ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Eszter Kováts
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Gender Discourse ◽  
The Right ◽  
East West ◽  
Visegrád Countries

Anti-gender actors in East-Central Europe (ECE) too claim that gender is an ideological colonization. In this article, in contrasting these accusations with actually existing power relations of the global and European gender architecture, I discuss whether they are – at least to some extent – based on social realities. Neither anti-gender campaigns nor the rise of illiberal forces are ECE phenomena per se and should not be treated as such. However, the relevance of the geopolitical embeddedness of gender equality policies, of gender studies and of feminist and LGBT politics needs to be analysed thoroughly in order to better understand the right-wing discourse. This paper offers a theoretical explanation, based on existing empirical studies and critical theoretical literature. Focussing on the four Visegrád countries, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, it attempts to demonstrate the specific drivers of the anti-gender mobilization in this region and argues that anti-gender discourse is a right-wing language of resistance against existing material and symbolic East-West inequalities in Europe.

scholarly journals New Chronological Frame for the Young Neolithic Baden Culture in Central Europe (4th Millennium BC)

Radiocarbon ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2B) ◽  
pp. 1057-1064 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Maria Wild ◽  
Peter Stadler ◽  
Mária Bondár ◽  
Susanne Draxler ◽  
Herwig Friesinger ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Southeast Europe ◽  
Data Set ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Radiocarbon Data ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Comparison Of The Results ◽  
East West ◽  
Age Determinations

The Baden Culture is a widely spread culture of the Young Neolithics in east-central Europe. In southeast Europe, several parallel cultures are found at different places. The main innovations in east-central Europe associated with the Baden Culture were traditionally thought to originate in southeast Europe, Anatolia, and the Levant. However, in recent years, doubt about this theory has arisen among archaeologists.Here, we try to contribute to this question by increasing the radiocarbon data set available for the Baden Culture. Thirty-two age determinations of samples from different sites assigned to the Baden Culture were performed by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C dating. The new data were combined with previously published 14C dates. Data from the individual cultural phases of the entire Baden period and the parallel cultures in southeast Europe (Sitagroi, Cernavoda, and Ezero) were analyzed by sum calibration. Comparison of the results indicates that the southeastern cultures cannot be synchronized with the Boleráz period, the early phase of the Baden Culture. It seems that these cultures were parallel to the Baden Classical period. This finding, which has to be verified by more data from the southeastern cultures, contradicts the theory of the east-west spreading of these cultures.

The New Right in Central Europe I: Czechoslovakia

1988 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Scruton
Keyword(s):  
Central Europe ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
New Right ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Market Theory ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Social Conservatism ◽  
The Impact

‘The New Right’, as it has come to be known, derives from at least two major intellectual sources, free market theory and social conservatism. The question how far these are compatible is frequently raised. The aim of this two-part article is to explore the impact of ‘New Right’ thinking in East Central Europe (specifically in Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary) in order to show that, in the conditions of ‘real socialism’, free market and social conservative ideas seem to arise naturally from the same root conceptions. The first part deals with Czechoslovakia-specifically with the thought of Patocka, Have1 and Bratinka, and with the conservative wing of the Charter movement. It argues that, while many writers would specifically reject labels like ‘conservative’ or ‘right-wing’, the actual content of their thought is very close to that of the New Right in the western hemisphere. In particular, the call for a ‘depoliticization’ of society, for responsible accounting, and for a lived historical identity which will be both national and European, are indistinguishable from long-standing themes of social conservatism.

Federalism in the Baltic: Interpretations of Self-Determination and Sovereignty in Estonia in the First Half of the Twentieth Century

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 237-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaarel Piirimäe
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Early Period ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Right

The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of ‘idealist’ visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.

Historical legacies and the size of the red-brown vote in post-communist politics

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Ishiyama
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
East Central Europe ◽  
East Central ◽  
Historical Legacies

In this paper I examine the relatively under-investigated topic of how historical legacies shaped the emergence of the “Red-brown” political tendency in East-Central Europe and the former Soviet Union e which is sometimes referred to as “National Bolshevism” or “National Communism” or “Strasserism.” More specifically I ask the question, how do historical legacies help explain why extreme right wing voters support the successors to the formerly dominant communist parties (or what I refer to as the “red-brown” vote)? I find that the most important legacy variable that affects the red brown phenomenon is the legacy of the previous communist regime.

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