European integration and the Germany Issue: the simultaneous formation of Economic and Monetary Union and German Unification

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Jong Hoon SHIN ◽  
Ji-Young KIM
1998 ◽  
Vol 33 (S1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Tim Congdon

The project to introduce a single currency is the most daring step so far in European integration. Indeed, it can be correctly described as revolutionary. It is much more far-reaching than previous moves in this direction over the last 15 years, such as the harmonisation of regulations or the ending of exchange controls; it is intended not as an incremental advance, but as a complete transformation of Europe's financial arrangements.The audacity of the single currency project is the more striking, in that it is a “revolution from above” rather than a “revolution from below”. The driving force has not been popular dissatisfaction with the existing currency arrangements, but the integrationist ambition of certain members of the European élite, particularly the German Chancellor, the French President and the President of the European Commission. (The integrationist ambition appears to attach to the positions ex officio and to be quite unaffected by the particular individuals who currently fill them.) These members of the élite emphasize the political nature of the single currency project, not the economic benefits. For example, Chancellor Kohl has said that European economic and monetary union (EMU) should prevent future wars in Europe.


Equilibrium ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-152
Author(s):  
Anna Kozłowska

This article aims to identify the relationship between the phenomenon of home bias and the process of European integration. During the past decades, European integration has evolved from a Common Market and the Customs Union, the Internal Market and Economic, and Monetary Union. Despite the improvements in integration of European markets, their potential is not fully exploited. Countries consumption baskets and inwestment portfolios still contain a predominant share of domestically produced products and domestic assets and national-born workers working in national labour markets. This is commonly known as the phenomenon of home bias.


Author(s):  
Mathieu Segers

Like the ECSC, the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) would never become a Dutch favourite. And like the ECSC, the EMU again made European integration a predominantly continental affair, centred around the Franco-German axis, with the Netherlands’ best allies the UK and Scandinavia at a distance. Unlike the ECSC, however, the EMU saw the Netherlands become a prominent engineer of this course of events in European integration. Dutch financial-economic and monetary technocrats were leading figures, launching far-reaching plans for monetary union from the mid-1970s and proposing ingenious interlinks between monetary union and the deepening of market integration. Tellingly, the treaties that created the EMU and the euro were both signed on Dutch soil, in Maastricht and Amsterdam.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-91
Author(s):  
Tamás Szemlér

Abstract The aim of this article is to highlight challenges to European integration by raising key concerns and generating debate about potential responses. This discussion is intended to be a starting point for further research and the development of more policy-specific recommendations to tackle these challenges successfully. I begin by explaining the need for a clear and realistic integration mission and then turn to the example of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), one of the most tangible achievements of European integration policy. The EMU also highlights the critical importance of clarity and realism in any approach to integration. My analysis moves next to the challenges that the EU is facing today and considers how the European Commission has evaluated and reacted to these challenges. Finally I propose some key elements of – and make the case for – a constructive practical approach.


In its more than seven decades of history European integration has gone through many stages of development. Some of them were incremental, but many more rather sudden, triggered or at least profoundly influenced by legal predicaments and political impasses, following the proverbial advice to ‘never let a good crisis go to waste’. The policy areas that are broadly abridged under the term Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) form no exception in this regard. EMU is deeply rooted in and following the inherent logic of political integration through gradual economic integration proclaimed in the well-known Schuman Declaration and thereafter given shape through the Treaty establishing the Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the subsequent Treaty establishing the European Economic Community. Yet, it was the Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty/TEU), which was meant to put an end to the at times fiercely led (academic) debates on the future direction of European integration and its democratic credentials, that finally provided the necessary legal impetus for the establishment of an economic and monetary union and the creation of a supranational, single European currency.


2004 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-121
Author(s):  
FRANCES M. B. LYNCH

Craig Parsons, A Certain Idea of Europe (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2003), 255pp., $39.95 (hb), ISBN 0-8014-4086-6.David J. Howarth, The French Road to European Monetary Union (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-92096-1.Mairi MacLean, Economic Management and French Business from de Gaulle to Chirac (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-76148-0.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvana Târlea ◽  
Stefanie Bailer ◽  
Hanno Degner ◽  
Lisa M Dellmuth ◽  
Dirk Leuffen ◽  
...  

This article examines the extent to which economic or political factors shaped government preferences in the reform of the Economic Monetary Union. A multilevel analysis of European Union member governments’ preferences on 40 EMU reform issues negotiated between 2010 and 2015 suggests that countries’ financial sector exposure has significant explanatory power. Seeking to minimize the risk of costly bailouts, countries with highly exposed financial sectors were more likely to support solutions involving high degrees of European integration. In contrast, political factors had no systematic impact. These findings help to enhance our understanding of preference formation in the European Union and the viability of future EMU reform.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3(66)) ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Klaudia Kudławiec

Intensification of Economic Cooperation in the European Union in the Years 2010-2019 in the Light of the Theory of New Intergovernmentality The subject of the article is the process of intensifying economic integration in the European Union in the years 2010-2019, which is to lead to the creation of a real Economic and Monetary Union. The article is based on the theory of new intergovernmentalism, through which the eurozone system reform has been analyzed. The first part presents the main assumptions of the theory of new intergovernmentalism in relation to two models of European integration: intergovernmental and supranational. The second part was devoted to four projects included in the future Economic and Monetary Union: Financial Union, Economic Union, Fiscal Union and Political Union.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 191-213
Author(s):  
Marcin Galent

The Eurozone Crisis in the Shade of the Maastricht and Lisbon TreatiesThe financial crisis in the eurozone has created a kind of discursive window through which a renewed self‑reflection on the shape on the European integration can be traced. The crisis, its depth and course, has confirmed what previously could only be speculated on the edge of European discourse, namely the fact that the chosen model of deepening the economic and monetary union is not ideologically and class neutral. It therefore generates new decisive conditions about who becomes the beneficiary and the loser, where new centres and peripheries crystallize in this process. The purpose of this article is to use the crisis in the euro area to look at its structure, identify the most important intellectual and ideological assumptions underlying it, indicate how the legal framework contained in the Maastricht and Lisbon Treaties influenced its course and who and why suffered the most losses. Finally, the task of the article is to determine which aspects of the architecture of the eurozone proved to be unsustainable and what has therefore had to be changed in it.


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