Alla Moneda con Salvador Allende

2013 ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Gennaro Carotenuto

The oral sources collected among the persons who were inside La Moneda Palace during the coup against Salvador Allende's government, on 11th September 1973, facilitate the study of historiographical problems such as the resistance from inside the palace, with the participation of the president himself, and the question of the armed defence of the popular government, in the circumstances of Allende's death. The thesis of the homicide is dismissed, and two different versions of the suicide proposed, that open the way to a series of considerations about how the Concertación reconstructed the figure of Allende.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos María Chiappe

Durante el gobierno de Salvador Allende (1970-1973) los estudios andinos chilenos se abocaron a investigar las comunidades indígenas del Norte Grande  con el objeto de sopesar su potencial de adecuación (y la forma en que ésta debería llevarse a cabo) a las reformas implementadas por el gobierno  nacional en un contexto mundial marcado por la problemática del desarrollo. En este artículo me propongo abordar esta temática mediante el análisis de un escrito científico cuya autoría es de Freddy Taberna. En tanto el mismo expresa la forma en que el autor entendió que las investigaciones sociales en el norte de Chile debían encararse, considero que este constituye un campo propicio para indagar algunas de las representaciones epocales sobre los  fundamentos del conocimiento científico. En su parte conclusiva este artículo intenta responder, a partir de la opción política explícita de la fuente  analizada, a qué proyecto intelectual ésta respondió y que sujeto de conocimiento ayudó a construir. ABSTRACT During Salvador Allende´s Government (1970-1973) the Andean Chilean studies devoted themselves to investigate the indian communities from Norte  Grande aiming to balance their adequacy potential (and the way in which it should be carried on) to the reforms implemented by the National government  in a world context marked by development issues. In this article I propose to approach this probematic through the analysis of a scientific writting whose  autorship belongs to Freddy Taberna. As it expresses the way in which the author understood that the social researchs in Northern Chile should be faced, I  consider that it builds a propitious field to inquire some epochal representations about scientific knowledge´s foundations. In the conclusive part, having in mind the explicit policy option given by the analyzed source, this article tries to respond to which intelectual proyect it belongs and which kind of knowledge helped to build.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-70
Author(s):  
Jorge Magasich Airola

The government of Salvador Allende a empted to replace the traditional Chilean foreign policy of alignment with one of the blocks of the Cold War and its “ideological borders,” with a new international policy of “ideological pluralism,” aiming to establish new commercial and diplomatic relations between different countries, regardless of their national political regimes. This policy involved the defense of the principles and objectives of the so-called Third World, which included proposals to: reform the international financial order; promote Latin American integration, especially of the Andean countries; improve Chile's relationship with three neighboring countries and negotiate border disputes; and create a judicial entity to face hostility from the U.S. government. The development of this new foreign policy was interrupted by the coup d'état. Nevertheless, four decades later, it gained importance, and this policy became a reference for many Latin American governments. Spanish El gobierno de Salvador Allende intentó reemplazar la tradicional política exterior chilena de alineamiento con uno de los bloques de la Guerra Fría y sus “fronteras ideológicas”, por una nueva política internacional de “pluralismo ideológico”, lo que significa establecer relaciones diplomáticas y comerciales con todos los países del mundo, independientemente del régimen interno que los rija. Tal política implica la defensa de los principios y objetivos del entonces llamado “Tercer Mundo”, la cual incluye proposiciones para reformar el orden financiero internacional; la promoción de la integración latinoamericana, particularmente la de los países andinos; relaciones cuidadosas con tres vecinos negociando los litigios fronterizos; y la búsqueda de una instancia jurídica para afrontar la hostilidad del gobierno estadounidense. Pese a que la mayor parte de esta nueva política internacional quedó sólo en sus inicios pues fue interrumpida por el golpe de Estado, cuatro décadas más tarde ha cobrado actualidad, transformándose en una referencia para varios gobiernos de la región. French Le gouvernement de Salvador Allende a essayé de remplacer l'alignement traditionnel de la politique étrangère du Chili avec l'un des blocs de la guerre froide et de ses «frontières idéologiques», par une nouvelle politique internationale du «pluralisme idéologique». Autrement dit, établir des relations diplomatiques et commerciales avec tous les pays, indépendamment de leurs régimes politiques propres. Une telle politique impliquait la défense des principes et objectifs de ce qu'on appelait alors «Tiers Monde», qui comprend des propositions visant à réformer l'ordre financier international; la promotion de l'intégration latino-américaine, en particulier celle des pays andins ; l'entretien des relations chaleureuses avec ses trois voisins concernant la négociation des différends frontaliers; et l'instauration d'une instance juridique destinée à faire face à l'hostilité du gouvernement des Etats-Unis. Bien que l'essentiel de cette nouvelle politique étrangère fût esseulée à ses débuts puis interrompue par un coup d'Etat, quatre décennies plus tard elle est devenue d'actualité, tout en s'imposant comme une référence pour de nombreux gouvernements de la région.


Author(s):  
Laurent Dubreuil

As long as social discontent exists, the most immediate, the most reasonable solution is to change certain causes, certain effects, certain agents. In the most acute cases, the recommended therapy consists in a gigantic reorganisation of forces, a metabole of powers. ‘The world is about to change its foundation’, promises The Internationale, and, following the tradition begun by the Abbe Sieyes, the choir sings, ‘we are nothing, let us be everything’.2 However violent the alteration – and the last century has given us nearly everything, from the colonial yoke to its soft alternative, from banana dictatorship to the dictatorship of the bureaucratic proletariat, from change in continuity to fully policed societies – the foundation of the foundation remains the same, rarely questioned. That is to say: all metamorphosis remains squarely on the plane of politics; only the way we define this plane varies, ranging from popular government and representation to the insurrectionary battle, from the nation, race to lifestyles and on to revolution.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. iii-viii

The American founders were distrustful of the masses and concerned about controlling their political influence. Might the greater threat, however, emanate not from the “have-nots” but from the “haves”–as symbolized by our cover photo of the fabulously wealthy J. P. Morgan being restrained by a peace officer while angrily swinging his cane at one of his social lessers? In the lead article in this issue, “Contain the Wealthy and Patrol the Magistrates: Restoring Elite Accountability to Popular Government,” John P. McCormick argues that the long-standing preoccupation with controlling the masses is misdirected. Looking beyond the American founders to ancient constitutions for guidance about present-day problems, McCormick provides a typology of measures meant to curb undue elite influence. Along the way, he offers evidence that modern republics are in far greater danger from the excessive influence of political and economic elites than from the discontents and passions of the masses. This is important food for thought for all, regardless of one's bank balance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Casals

The election of Salvador Allende and the Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) in 1970 unleashed a radical and original revolutionary process, discernible not only in the depth of its redistributive measures and the expectations it generated, but also in the ferocity with which those who identified with the counter-revolutionary ideal responded to that project. The counter-revolution, initially confined to the conservative and reactionary sectors, in a matter of months became an immense mass mobilisation that would end up paving the way for the military coup. This article analyses that counter-revolutionary process, exploring its historic roots, the main actors involved and the innovations in political practices it developed at the time. The ‘counter-revolutionary bloc’ was formed by a diverse array of political and social actors – some of whom did not have previous experience in political mobilisations – who based their actions on the adoption and socialisation of a long-standing anti-Communist script, through which they could make sense of the period’s changing reality. That script – based on decades of taking in events from other parts of the world, elaborations and accusations against all those who identified as Communists – aimed to reduce the originality of the Unidad Popular’s political project to a remake of classic socialist experiences in Chilean territory and processed in a dystopian key. The counter-revolution’s power would be projected into the military dictatorship that began in 1973, when it became a sort of official state ideology, and it would become a foundational experience for Chilean conservative sectors with reverberations even in in the present.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Coelho de Souza Almeida

In September 11, 1973, the democratically elected socialist president Salvador Allende died in a confrontation with the army, led by General Augusto Pinochet. After the coup, a great shift in social and economic policies occurred, dismantling all the measures taken by the popular government and by its moderate antecessors as well. Recognizing the Chicago Boys as the organic intellectuals of neoliberalism in Chile, we describe how they were a key element to transform Chilean society in the attempt to form a Historical Block after Salvador Allende’s overthrown. This Gramscian perspective allows us to consider not only the ideological, but also the role of class struggle.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Babińska ◽  
Michal Bilewicz

AbstractThe problem of extended fusion and identification can be approached from a diachronic perspective. Based on our own research, as well as findings from the fields of social, political, and clinical psychology, we argue that the way contemporary emotional events shape local fusion is similar to the way in which historical experiences shape extended fusion. We propose a reciprocal process in which historical events shape contemporary identities, whereas contemporary identities shape interpretations of past traumas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aba Szollosi ◽  
Ben R. Newell

Abstract The purpose of human cognition depends on the problem people try to solve. Defining the purpose is difficult, because people seem capable of representing problems in an infinite number of ways. The way in which the function of cognition develops needs to be central to our theories.


1976 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 233-254
Author(s):  
H. M. Maitzen

Ap stars are peculiar in many aspects. During this century astronomers have been trying to collect data about these and have found a confusing variety of peculiar behaviour even from star to star that Struve stated in 1942 that at least we know that these phenomena are not supernatural. A real push to start deeper theoretical work on Ap stars was given by an additional observational evidence, namely the discovery of magnetic fields on these stars by Babcock (1947). This originated the concept that magnetic fields are the cause for spectroscopic and photometric peculiarities. Great leaps for the astronomical mankind were the Oblique Rotator model by Stibbs (1950) and Deutsch (1954), which by the way provided mathematical tools for the later handling pulsar geometries, anti the discovery of phase coincidence of the extrema of magnetic field, spectrum and photometric variations (e.g. Jarzebowski, 1960).


Author(s):  
W.M. Stobbs

I do not have access to the abstracts of the first meeting of EMSA but at this, the 50th Anniversary meeting of the Electron Microscopy Society of America, I have an excuse to consider the historical origins of the approaches we take to the use of electron microscopy for the characterisation of materials. I have myself been actively involved in the use of TEM for the characterisation of heterogeneities for little more than half of that period. My own view is that it was between the 3rd International Meeting at London, and the 1956 Stockholm meeting, the first of the European series , that the foundations of the approaches we now take to the characterisation of a material using the TEM were laid down. (This was 10 years before I took dynamical theory to be etched in stone.) It was at the 1956 meeting that Menter showed lattice resolution images of sodium faujasite and Hirsch, Home and Whelan showed images of dislocations in the XlVth session on “metallography and other industrial applications”. I have always incidentally been delighted by the way the latter authors misinterpreted astonishingly clear thickness fringes in a beaten (”) foil of Al as being contrast due to “large strains”, an error which they corrected with admirable rapidity as the theory developed. At the London meeting the research described covered a broad range of approaches, including many that are only now being rediscovered as worth further effort: however such is the power of “the image” to persuade that the above two papers set trends which influence, perhaps too strongly, the approaches we take now. Menter was clear that the way the planes in his image tended to be curved was associated with the imaging conditions rather than with lattice strains, and yet it now seems to be common practice to assume that the dots in an “atomic resolution image” can faithfully represent the variations in atomic spacing at a localised defect. Even when the more reasonable approach is taken of matching the image details with a computed simulation for an assumed model, the non-uniqueness of the interpreted fit seems to be rather rarely appreciated. Hirsch et al., on the other hand, made a point of using their images to get numerical data on characteristics of the specimen they examined, such as its dislocation density, which would not be expected to be influenced by uncertainties in the contrast. Nonetheless the trends were set with microscope manufacturers producing higher and higher resolution microscopes, while the blind faith of the users in the image produced as being a near directly interpretable representation of reality seems to have increased rather than been generally questioned. But if we want to test structural models we need numbers and it is the analogue to digital conversion of the information in the image which is required.


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