scholarly journals La Etnoeducación como Posicionamiento Político e Identitario del Pueblo Afroecuatoriano por Rocio Vera Santos

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 272
Author(s):  
Elias Alfama MONIZ ◽  
Victoria Maldonado BAUTISTA

RESUMENLa presente reseña es un resumen crítico sobre el artículo académico La etnoeducación como posicionamiento político e identitario del pueblo afroecuatoriano, de Rocío Vera Santos. Un texto científico que dilucida a través de una investigación de corte cualitativo y una puesta teórica postcolonial y  decolonial el proceso de consolidación y ejecución del proyecto de etnoeducación afroecuatoriana. Se trata de un proyecto político, epistemológico y educativo que se viene gestando en las últimas tres décadas, y con el cual el movimiento social afroecuatoriano se posesionan frente al Estado; intentando subvertir el legado de la colonización, mediante estrategias, practicas pedagógicas e iniciativas autónomas que revitalizan y rescatan los saberes ancestrales, la memoria y la tradición oral. El objetivo de esta propuesta de educación étnica busca el fortalecimiento de la identidad, la reparación histórica y sostener la lucha antirracista.Etnoeducación afroecuatoriana. Identidad. Políticas de representación. Saberes ancestrales. Movimiento social afroecuatoriano. RESUMOEsta revisão é um resumo crítico do artigo acadêmico a etnoeducação como posição política e identitária do povo afro-equatoriano, de Rocío Vera Santos. Um texto científico que elucida por meio de uma investigação qualitativa e de uma configuração teórica pós-colonial e descolonial o processo de consolidação e execução do projeto de etnoeducação afro-equatoriana. É um projeto político, epistemológico e educacional que vem se desenvolvendo nas últimas três décadas, e com o qual o movimento social afro-equatoriano se posesiona diante do Estado; tentando subverter o legado da colonização, por meio de estratégias, práticas pedagógicas e iniciativas autônomas que revitalizam e resgatam saberes ancestrais, memória e tradição oral. O objetivo desta proposta de educação étnica busca fortalecer a identidade, reconstruir a história e sustentar a luta anti-racista. Etnoeducação afro-equatoriana. Identidade. Políticas de representação. Saberes ancestrais. Movimento social afro-equatoriano.ABSTRACTThis review is a critical summary of the academic article Ethno-education as a political and identity position of the Afro-Ecuadorian people, by Rocío Vera Santos. A scientific text that elucidates through a qualitative investigation and a postcolonial and decolonial theoretical setting the process of consolidation and execution of the Afro-Ecuadorian ethno-education project. It is a political, epistemological and educational project that has been developing in the last three decades, and with which the Afro-Ecuadorian social movement takes possession in front of the State; trying to subvert the legacy of colonization, through strategies, pedagogical practices and autonomous initiatives that revitalize and rescue ancestral knowledge, memory and oral tradition. The objective of this ethnic education proposal seeks to strengthen identity, historical reparation and sustain the anti-racist struggle.Afro-Ecuadorian ethno-education. Identity. politics of representation. Ancestral knowledge. Afro-Ecuadorian social movement.SOMMARIOQuesta recensione è una sintesi critica dell'articolo accademico Etnoeducazione come posizione politica e identitaria del popolo afro-ecuadoriano, di Rocío Vera Santos. Un testo scientifico che delucida attraverso un'indagine qualitativa e una impostazione teorica postcoloniale e decoloniale il processo di consolidamento ed esecuzione del progetto etno-educativo afro-ecuadoriano. È un progetto politico, epistemologico ed educativo che si è andato sviluppando negli ultimi tre decenni, e di cui il movimento sociale afro-ecuadoriano si impadronisce di fronte allo Stato; cercando di sovvertire l'eredità della colonizzazione, attraverso strategie, pratiche pedagogiche e iniziative autonome che rivitalizzano e salvano la conoscenza ancestrale, la memoria e la tradizione orale. L'obiettivo di questa proposta di educazione etnica cerca di rafforzare l'identità, la riparazione storica e sostenere la lotta antirazzista.Etnoeducazione afro-ecuadoriana, identità, politica di rappresentanza, saperi ancestrali, movimento sociale afro-ecuadoriano.

Author(s):  
Mark Zuss

This paper is intended as an inquiry regarding contemporary critical assays of subjectivity. In response to the contemporary politics of representation, both in expressions of essentialist identity politics and in versions of social constructivism, and their implication of all pedagogical practices in transfers of power, I wish to project the question of the subject’s futures. I choose to discuss the limits of the interior, monadic subject for consideration not only its historical and contemporary effects in the politics of representation, but also for the possibility of thinking beyond it. In the spirit of Foucault’s ethical project only a special kind of curiosity and a thinking ‘otherwise’ could, if luck and wit permit, allow us as individual subjects to go beyond ourselves. Thinking otherwise, when possible, could also suggest going beyond ourselves collectively in the creation of provisional critical pedagogical and ethical community.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
Alexandra D'Urso

This chapter is a contribution to the literatures on hip hop and identity politics among two rappers of color in Scandinavia. Locating the artists’ pedagogical practices within global flows of resistance in hip hop culture, the concept of public pedagogy is employed for analyzing how these artists use hip hop as a medium for education and activism outside of formal educational institutions. The analysis focuses on counter-hegemonic representations of identity in the music of Adam Tensta and Eboi. The author argues that the two artists have situated themselves as public pedagogues and catalysts for social change and that they have confront right-wing populism and deconstruct Nordic notions of Otherness in their music In doing so, the artists provide nuanced counter-narratives that share insight into how global struggles for resources and neoliberal policies in the welfare state are brought to bear upon individuals living in the Nordic countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Avrina Jos

With Donna Haraway, a new age of the feminist imaginary was born. This imaginary evocatively constructs new feminist subjectivities that are an amalgam of species, sensibilities and ambiguities. Despite the liberating potential of these imagined cyborgs devoid of normativity, the material digital cultures, and technological cultures, that enabled a social movement to this imagined cyborg was/is at a significantly different place in time without subjectivities. Writing on the “Metaphor and Materiality” of technofeminisms, Judy Wacjman opines, “Haraway is much stronger at providing evocative figurations of a new feminist subjectivity than she is at providing guidelines for a practical emancipatory politics” (101). This paper intends to extend the possibilities of feminist imaginaries for theorisations of technology by first looking at this gap between imagined and material subjectivities. I ask “Whose emancipatory politics?” to point out that despite their insistence on fragmentations of identity and forms of totalisation, western feminist imaginaries of technology do not convey or derive from an inclusive politics of representation or location. Drawing from feminist historiography and transnational feminist frameworks, I insist on the radical potential of feminist imaginaries that are written and rewritten through transnational endeavours and consideration of “nested differences”. The second part of the paper derives from the first – building on the importance of transnational feminist imaginaries – and asks how? How can western feminist imaginaries expand their potential by transgressing their postmodern notions of subjectivity and agency without abandoning them? Here I introduce the “postcolonial technological subject” as a representational figure for a transnational feminist politics of technology by drawing guidelines for transnational feminist theories of technology. My guidelines are informed by Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s conception of transnational feminism, visions for solidarity such as Black Cyberfeminism, Data Feminism and The Xenofeminist Manifesto.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Bernstein

Critics of identity politics often wax polemically as they charge contemporary social movements with narrowly and naively engaging in essentialist politics based on perceived differences from the majority. Such essentialism, critics charge, inhibits coalition building (e.g., Phelan 1993; Kimmel 1993), cannot produce meaningful social change, and reinforces hegemonic and restrictive social categories (Seidman 1997). It is even responsible for the decline of the Left (Gitlin 1994, 1995). Social movement scholars similarly view “identity movements” as cultural rather than political movements whose goals, strategies, and forms of mobilization can be explained better by a reliance on static notions of identity than by other factors.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Grégoire

Abstract Drawing on a social movement theoretical framework, the paper explores the collective action desires and attempts expressed within the African associational milieu in Belgium to improve the social, economic and political being of the African-rooted people in Belgium. It thus focuses on the emergence of non-profit organisations aiming at mobilising people of sub-Saharan African descent under a common ‘Pan-African’ banner. It analyses the link between the context for the emergence of these associations ‐ in which the state played an important role ‐ their working modes and their members’ affiliation strategies, as a way to address a ‘lack of mobilisation’ frequently deplored by many African associational leaders. Secondly, it shows how a certain African elite tries to go beyond old rivalries and previous failures, by shaping a Pan-African community, symbolically located both in the African life ‘here’ (in Belgium and by extension Europe) and ‘there’ (in Africa).


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kim Knott

AbstractThis article offers an historical perspective on the process by which British Hindus have sought to become a 'faith community' in response to local civic pressures and the intensification of government rhetoric on harnessing the capacity of religious bodies in support of public policy, and also as an expression of Hindu nationalist and ecumenical interests. I review my earlier analysis of Hindus in Leeds, noting the four processes of institutionalisation, retraditionalisation, standardisation, and the production of community, and, through Hindu ephemera, consider these same processes for Hindus elsewhere in Britain in the period 1980 to 2006 in the context of the rise of identity politics and the return of religion to public prominence. Although these processes remain relevant, others have emerged, notably the public representation of 'Hinduism,' and the impact of a diasporic politics of Hindutva.


Author(s):  
Anna Hickey-Moody

Art is a significant source of expression for people with a disability and it also represents them in important ways. The work of artists with a disability can augment viewer’s feelings about them, or, to put this another way, the work of artists with a disability can create social change. Not all of the artwork made by artists with a disability is “about” disability, and this separation between being an artist with a disability who makes art, and making artwork examining disability, is often a crucial distinction to make for those involved in the development of disability arts as a social movement. In light of this distinction, art of all kinds can provide us with powerful knowledge about disability, while also facilitating an important professional career trajectory. When art is made by an artist with a disability, and is about disability-related issues, the work created is usually called disability arts. When the work is made by someone with a disability but is not about disability, it may not necessarily be considered disability arts. This collection of work that is less concerned with identity politics is important, and is also worthy of independent consideration.


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