scholarly journals La Théorie de la «verge de Dieu» dans les tragédies religieuses d’André de Rivaudeau et de Robert Garnier

2005 ◽  
Vol 41 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Damon Di Mauro

In the sixteenth century, writers of both confessions often had recourse to the Old Testament notion of the "rod of God" in order to account for the hand which the wicked had in the evil perpetrated upon their co-religionists. This study proposes to show that the religious tragedies of Rivaudeau and Garnier both drew inspiration from Synesius of Cyrene's doctrine concerning the persecution of the faithful. According to this Greek Father, the divine scourge will not escape punishment by mere virtue of the fact that he has served as the agent of chastisement. This appointed state appears tantamount to reprobation. To be sure, Synesius goes beyond biblical teaching in sullying and demonizing the foe.

2019 ◽  
pp. 114-137
Author(s):  
Павел Лизгунов

Цель данной статьи - раскрыть понятие смирения у Климента и Оригена Александрийских. Для этого проводится филологический анализ употребления изучаемыми авторами слов смирение, смиренномудрие и однокоренных с ними, а также богословский анализ учения авторов о соответствующих добродетелях - в сравнении с предшествующей традицией раскрытия этой добродетели. Авторы, стоящие у истоков христианской богословской науки, обобщают сказанное прежде них о добродетели смирения и вносят собственный вклад в христианское учение о смирении. В текстах Климента и Оригена встречаются как античное словоупотребление, в котором термин «смирение» имеет уничижительный смысл, так и христианское употребление в значении нравственной добродетели. Их учение о христианских добродетелях смирения, смиренномудрия и кротости основывается на Священном Писании и содержит в себе черты учения мужей апостольских, ранних апологетов и борцов с гностицизмом. В их текстах впервые ставится вопрос о соотношении христианского и античного учений о смирении, который они пытаются решить в духе примирения античных и христианской этических систем. При этом оба автора указывают на бóльшую древность библейского учения по сравнению с учением Платона, а Климентпрямо называетплатоновское высказывание о добродетельном смирении заимствованием из Ветхого Завета. В ряде случаев зависимость авторов от античной мысли приводит к неточностям и натяжкам в передаче христианского нравственного учения. В частности, это проявляется в учении Климента о добродетельной гордости и в отвержении Оригеном библейских «телесных» форм смирения в пользу смирения по преимуществу интеллектуального. The purpose of this article is to reveal the concept of humility among Clement and Origen of Alexandria. To do this, a philological analysis of the use by the authors of the words humility, humility and cognate with them, as well as a theological analysis of the teachings of the authors about the corresponding virtues, is carried out in comparison with the previous tradition of revealing this virtue. Their teaching on the Christian virtues of humility, humility and meekness is based on the Holy Scriptures and contains features of the teachings of the husbands of the apostolic, early apologists and fighters against Gnosticism. For the first time, their texts raise the question of the relationship between Christian and antique teachings on humility, which they are trying to solve in the spirit of reconciliation of ancient and Christian ethical systems. At the same time, both authors point to the greater antiquity of the biblical teaching in comparison with the teachings of Plato, and Clement directly calls the Platonic statement about virtuous humility borrowing from the Old Testament. In some cases, the authors’ dependence on ancient thought leads to inaccuracies and stretches in the transmission of Christian moral teachings. In particular, this is manifested in Clement’s doctrine of virtuous pride and in Origen’s rejection of the biblical «bodily» forms of humility in favor of humility predominantly intellectual.


1995 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
W. A. Dreyer

Church, people and government in the  1858 constitution of the South African Republic During the years 1855 to 1858 the South African Republic in the Transvaal created a new constitution. In this constitution a unique relation-ship between church, people and government was visible. This relationship was influenced by the Calvinist confessions of the sixteenth century, the theology of W ά Brakel and orthodox Calvinism, the federal concepts of the Old Testament and republican ideas of the Netherlands and Cape Patriots. It becomes clear that the history of the church in the Transvaal was directly influenced by the general history of the South African Republic.


2007 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hagit Amirav ◽  
Hans-Martin Kirn

AbstractTheodor Buchmann, better known as eodore Bibliander (1505-64), was Zwingli's immediate successor to the chair of Professor of Old Testament at the theological school in Zurich. An ardent orientalist, who was the first to edit a Latin translation of the Koran and a professed Hebraist, Bibliander could boast a well-articulated theology based on and around the knowledge of languages in general and of Hebrew in particular. In light of the contemporary prevalent notions of harmonia linguarum and concordia mundi, Bibliander sought to promote the study of Hebrew as an essential means to achieving a universal salvation. His treatise, De ratione omnium linguarum et literarum (Zurich, 1548), dedicated to the exposition of the said universalist theology, is the subject of this article. A full annotated translation of the De ratione communi is due to appear in the new series Corpus Reformatorum Minorum (Droz, Geneva).


1975 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. D. L. Avis

‘It is now disputed at every table’, declared Whitgift in 1574, ‘whether the magistrate be of necessity bound to the judicials of Moses’. Edwin Sandys told Bullinger of Zürich in the previous year that it was being maintained, to the great trouble of the Church, that ‘The judicial laws of Moses are binding upon Christian princes, and they ought not in the slightest degree to depart from them’. Though often neglected by historians as an important factor in the Reformation, the question of the validity of the Old Testament judicial (as opposed to moral or ceremonial) law frequently arises in the writings of the Reformers, and their various answers made no slight impact on the course of events. It bears directly on Henry VIII's divorce and the bigamy of Philip of Hesse; the treatment of heresy and the possibility of toleration; the persecution of witches; usury and iconoclasm; Sabbatarianism and the rise of the ‘puritan’ view of the Bible as a book of precedents, and the corresponding shift to legalism in Protestant theology. The question is also of fundamental relevance to the thought of the Reformers on natural law, the godly prince and magistrate, and the so-called ‘third use of the law’. This article is an attempt to survey, up to the end of the sixteenth century, the various interpretations of the Mosaic penal and civil laws, with particular reference to the development of legalistic tendencies after Luther.


PMLA ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 81 (5) ◽  
pp. 363-368
Author(s):  
Richard Regosin

Recent Studies on d'Aubigné's Les Tragiques have tended to bear out Henri Trénel's assertion in 1904 that the poet is “le plus biblique des écrivains français.” Since Trénel's catalogue of Scriptural references and Hebraisms in the poem (by which he sought to prove his point), d'Aubigné critics have given more thought to the significance of this accumulation of Biblical imagery, focusing particularly on d'Aubigné's continuing correlation of characters and events in Old Testament, early Christian, and contemporary sixteenth-century history. Henri Weber, whose view represents the most generally accepted interpretation, explains that this correlation provides the temporal dimension required by the epic poem. Moreover, by showing contemporary events to be a repetition of Biblical history, it raises those events to a symbolic level consistent with d'Aubigné's notion that the fortunes of the Protestants represent the working out of God's providential design for His modern-day chosen people. Henry Sauerwein suggests that the Biblical imagery represents d'Aubigné's attempt to approximate the style of the Bible in order to achieve a form suited to Les Tragiques as God's revelation of the destiny of the Protestant people to the divinely inspired poet.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 369-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
Марияна [Mariiana] Цибранска-Костова [TSibranska-Kostova]

Composita as marks of holiness in the sixteenth‑century Eulogy for the Sofia MartyrsThe article presents preliminary observations concerning the excerpts from the Book of Jeremiah in the Archival Chronograph (fifteenth century) and Vilno Chronograph (sixteenth century). According to their content, localization and linguistic characteristics, they fall into two main groups. Some of the excerpts are identified as chapters from the Slavic Prophetologion and are connected with the translation made by Cyril and Methodius. Other chapters, which are not included in the Cyrillic and Glagolitic liturgical books, belong to the first, probably untranslated or now lost, part of the Book of Jeremiah. The excerpts that cannot be found in the Prophetologion also have archaic linguistic bases, connected to the translational techniques characteristic of the Cyrillo-Methodian translations, and differ considerably from the translation with commentaries that was made in Preslav. Whether these excerpts belong to an independent earlier translation, made by Methodius and his co-workers, or they are extracts from encyclopaedic miscellany, they provide valuable material for the study of this biblical book and of the Old Bulgarian translation of the Old Testament. Złożenia jako znaki świętości w szesnastowiecznej Eulogii męczenników SofiiArtykuł prezentuje wstępne obserwacje na temat fragmentów Księgi Jeremiasza, znajdujących się w zbiorach Archival Chronograph (XV wiek) i Vilno Chronograph (XVI wiek). Zgodnie z ich zawartością, miejscem powstania i cechami językowymi wchodzą one w skład dwóch głównych grup. Niektóre fragmenty są rozpoznane jako rozdziały słowiańskiego parimejnika i są związane z przekładem autorstwa śś. Cyryla i Metodego. Inne rozdziały, które nie weszły w skład cyrylickich i głagolickich ksiąg liturgicznych, należą do pierwszej, prawdopodobnie nieprzetłumaczonej lub zaginionej, części Księgi Jeremiasza. Fragmenty, które nie znajdują się w parimejniku także mają archaiczną podstawę językową, związaną z technikami translatorskimi, charakterystycznymi dla przekładów cyrylometodejskich i znacznie różnią się od przekładu z komentarzami, powstałego w Presławiu. Bez względu na to, czy fragmenty te są cześcią wcześniejszego, niezależnego tłumaczenia wykonanego przez Metodego i jego współpracowników, czy są fragmentami z encyklopedycznego miscellaneum, stanowią ważny punkt odniesienia do badania tej biblijnej księgi, a także starobułgarskiego przekładu Starego Testamentu.


Author(s):  
David Fergusson

From the sixteenth century, the Reformed movement was committed to a programme of social reform in which church and civil authorities worked together in partnership not only in the cause of ecclesiastical reform but with a view to establishing a ‘godly society’ in accordance with the Word of God. Sanctification thus extended to the entire social order, often through appeal to Old Testament ideals and the concept of ‘covenant’. This chapter explores that programme with reference to its democratic impulses, political criticism and concerns for a just legal and economic order. Within the later context of modernity, the Reformed reception of human rights, nationalism, and religious toleration is examined. Finally, the twentieth-century contributions of Abraham Kuyper and Karl Barth are assessed with respect to their relevance for contemporary Reformed social thought.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document