scholarly journals THE COGNITIVE ASPECTS OF EUROPE'S SECURITY AND DEFENCE CHALLENGES

2021 ◽  
pp. 15-28
Author(s):  
IGOR SENČAR
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Paradigm Change ◽  
Information Warfare ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
European Consensus

Povzetek Evropski posthladnovojni red je temeljil na panevropskem konsenzu, da je demokracija edini vir legitimnosti, dokler se niso udejanjanju vizije celovite in svobodne Evrope, ki je v miru sama s seboj, uprle kremeljske oblasti. Prišlo je do spremembe paradigme – sistemsko tekmovanje namesto sodelovanja. Ruski revizionizem pomeni največjo varnostno grožnjo za Evropo. Narava grožnje ni bila pravočasno zaznana. Pri napadu na posthladnovojni red ni šlo le za klasično vojno, ki temelji na trdi moči, saj vojna poteka tudi v kognitivni sferi, kar za odprte, demokratične družbe pomeni poseben izziv. To je bil tudi normativni napad. Za učinkovit odgovor sta nujna mentalni premik in krepitev kognitivne odpornosti ter tudi solidarnosti kot ena najpomembnejših temeljev varnosti. Ključne besede Kognitivna odpornost, Evropska unija, informacijska vojna, normativni konflikt, revizionistična sila. Abstract The European post-Cold War order was based on a pan-European consensus that democracy was the only source of legitimacy – until the Kremlin opposed the realization of a Europe whole, free and at peace with itself. There has been a paradigm change from cooperation to systemic competition. Russian revisionism poses the greatest security threat to Europe. The nature of the threat was realized rather late. The assault on the post-Cold War order was not just a classic war, which relies on hard power; instead, the war also took place in the cognitive sphere, which represents a particular challenge for open, democratic societies. Furthermore, it was also a normative assault. An effective response requires a mental shift and the strengthening of cognitive resilience as well as solidarity as the key foundations of security. Key words cognitive resilience, European Union, information warfare, normative conflict, revisionist power.

Regional identity and support for integration: An EU-wide comparison of parochialists, inclusive regionalist, and pseudo-exclusivists

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brigevich
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Regionalism ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Impact

The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

scholarly journals A Logic Beyond Lausanne: A Geopolitical Perspective on the Congruence between Turkey's New Hard Power and its Strategic Reorientation

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Michaël Tanchum
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Strategic Orientation ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Logical Result ◽  
Strategic Goal

Turkey’s new expeditionary capability, resting on enhanced naval capacity and new forward bases, is the logical result of Turkey’s post-Cold War strategic reorientation. Moving beyond the Cold War framework, Turkey's strategic goal is to become an interregional power that will set the terms for a new pattern of connectivity between Europe, Africa and Asia. ‘Reclaiming’ a foreign policy prerogative exercised by the Ottoman Empire but discontinued after Turkey’s founding following the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey's policymakers are seeking to move beyond the Lausanne orientation that informed Turkey’s 1952 NATO accession and persisted throughout the duration of the Cold War. This study examines Ankara's challenge of calibrating the use of its hard power instruments to serve its post-Lausanne strategic orientation toward establishing a Turkey-centered, interregional connectivity.

The European Security and Defence Policy: Defining the European Union as a Rational Actor in International Security

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
Close Relation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Rational Actor ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.189

North Korea and the European Union

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramon Pacheco Pardo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Cold War ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Development Organization ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The Eu

Relations between Europe and North Korea date back to the founding of North Korea in 1948 when North Korea established relations with seven Central and Eastern European states. During the Cold War, several Western and Northern European states initiated diplomatic and trade relations with North Korea. However, North Korea remained anchored in the socialist bloc, including Central and Eastern Europe—even if its membership of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1975 suggested Pyongyang’s wish to have a degree of independence from the bloc. Official European Union (EU)–North Korea relations started in the post-Cold War years, just as the EU was starting to develop its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The EU began to provide aid to North Korea in 1995 and joined the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO)—through Euratom—in 1997. Between 1998 and 2001, the EU and North Korea launched political and human rights dialogues and established diplomatic relations. Since 2003, however, the EU has pursued a policy of “critical engagement” toward North Korea as a result of the Asian country’s development of its nuclear program. This has led to steadily deteriorating relations. In 2006, the EU started to impose sanctions on North Korea in relation to its nuclear and missile programs. Human rights and political dialogues were suspended in 2013 and 2015, respectively. In 2020, the EU imposed cyber sanctions on North Korea. One year later, it imposed more sanctions on North Korea in relation to alleged human rights abuses. As of 2021, the EU is prioritizing pressure over engagement in its relations with North Korea, and economic links have decreased dramatically from their peak in the early 2000s.

The Western Balkans Policy of the EU Within the Framework of Domino Theory

2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-404
Author(s):  
I.dris Turan ◽  
Ekrem Yas¸ar Akçay
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Financial Aid ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Domino Effect ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
The Eu

This study elaborates on the European Union’s (EU) Balkan policies evaluating the developments in the Western Balkans from the post-Cold War era until today. In addition, the study will tackle the EU policies and practices in the Western Balkans on the basis of the principles of the domino theory. In this context, the EU believes that destabilisation due to conflicts in former Yugoslavia after disintegration has also destabilised other countries in the region in domino effect. This situation means both the region and the EU will encounter security threat. In this regard, the study dwells upon EU policies in the region to provide financial aid in an attempt to ensure development and sustainability which will foster stability on the basis of the assumption that these countries in the region will be accepted to the EU as member countries after ensuring stability.

scholarly journals The European Union’s Attitude towards Russia between Values and Interests

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armağan Gözkaman
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Common Position ◽  
The Eu

The study will focus on the European Union’s attitude towards Russia by taking into consideration a dilemma: The European Union (EU) wants to uphold its values and principles while endeavoring to maximize its interests. In the post-Cold War period, Moscow’s policy choices have often been problematic for the Europeans. In the period following the Ukrainian conflict, the analysis of the relations between the two “strategic partners” is more difficult than ever. At least three reasons underlie this difficulty. First, the EU is notoriously incapable of reaching a common position on how to deal with the Russian problem. Second, trade is an important factor for the relations between the EU and Russia where oil occupies a significant place. Third, Russia has also a signification position vis-à-vis the EU as a powerful actor of international relations.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document