The 2019 Elections: Electoral Quality, Political Inequality and the Flames of Frustration in Honiara

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Wood

The 2019 general elections in Solomon Islands were the country’s tenth since it became an independent country. The elections were relatively well-run, and free of violence. However, shortly after the elections, when the prime minister was announced, rioting erupted in Honiara, the country’s capital. In this paper, I describe the elections themselves before looking at election results. I then explain how comparatively peaceful elections led to riots. My central arguments are that the assistance provided by foreign aid, combined with fluid political dynamics and checks and balances within the electoral system itself, contributed to reasonably well-run elections. At the same time, political inequality is rising in Solomon Islands. And the nature of electoral politics in Solomon Islands leads to poor political governance. Poor governance, in turn, contributed to the frustrations that spilled over into riots after the prime minister was announced in 2019.

Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Rashid Moten ◽  
Tunku Mohar Mokhtar

The ruling coalition in Malaysia received an overwhelming mandate to rule in the general elections held in 2004. The major opposition party, which ran an aggressive campaign for an Islamic agenda, suffered a crushing defeat. The election results can be seen as an endorsement of Prime Minister Abdullah's style of moderate governance.


Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Mark Garnett

This chapter concerns the British general elections of 1983, 1987, and 1992. All three were won by the Conservatives. In 1983, the party was returned with a majority of 144 seats, despite having been deeply unpopular for much of its term of office thanks to economic recession and an unprecedented post-war level of unemployment. The scale of the victory was partly due to the 1982 Falklands conflict, in which the prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, had seemingly fulfilled her promise to restore British pride and prestige. However, the Conservatives also benefited from a divided opposition, with Labour and the newly formed Liberal/SDP Alliance winning a plurality of votes between them. In 1987 the situation was similar, although by this time the economic outlook had improved and the Conservatives benefited from a ‘feel-good factor’. By 1990 Mrs Thatcher had once again become deeply unpopular, and was replaced by the less controversial (but uncharismatic) John Major. Under his leadership the Conservatives secured a record tally of votes in the 1992 election, but their overall parliamentary majority was greatly reduced thanks to the operation of the electoral system. In each case, relevant developments in the preceding inter-election period are described (including trends in party popularity) and an account of the campaign provided. In addition, the election results themselves—patterns of party support and of turnout—are extensively analysed. The chapter also discusses the academic controversy over the extent of class voting in Britain, which emerged at the time, as well as the growing North–South regional divide in party support. Finally, the suggestion that this period was one of ‘Conservative hegemony’ is considered.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Ilyas Abdullah ◽  
Jamaie Hamil ◽  
Sity Daud

This study is about the political culture of the Malays. It discusses the changes in the political culture of the Malays in Terengganu manifested after the occurrence of an event of dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President of UMNO who was Anwar Ibrahim on 2 September 1998. The dismissal has produced a wave of resistance in particular from Malays who disclosed this item for a period of time relatively long until and after the general elections of 1999. General Election 1999 has been highlighting a shift support from UMNO to opposition parties that is so obvious. UMNO suffered the worst performance in the election. This study is also done based on the occurrence of the pattern of voting uncertainty shown in four series of the last elections in Terengganu from 1999 until 2013. This is because the convergence of two Islam-Malay based parties namely UMNO and PAS are very intense. Based on election results post 10th General Election shows that the Terengganu State is no longer secure to any political party contesting the election. Each party is seen to have a chance of a balance to form Government in Terengganu. Findings show that development can act as catalyst for the formation of Malay political culture prior and post 10th General Election. In the post 10th General Election, the Malay communities are aware that development does not suggest that people live in comfort but justice should come together. Other than that, the Malay community in Terengganu do not only uphold the values of Islam, Malay and development but they also embrace other values that can keep pace with current political development. Thus, the need for other values such as justice in new politics is indispensable for political transformation. Keywords: Transformation, Political Culture, Malay Political Culture, New Politics. ABSTRAK: Kajian ini adalah satu kajian mengenai budaya politik Melayu. Ia membincangkan transformasi budaya politik masyarakat Melayu di Terengganu yang dimanifestasikan selepas terjadinya peristiwa pemecatan Anwar Ibrahim pada 2 September 1998. Pemecatan tersebut telah melahirkan satu gelombang penentangan masyarakat Melayu Terengganu terhadap UMNO-BN. Penentangan tersebut dapat dilihat menerusi anjakan sokongan masyarakat Melayu daripada UMNO-BN kepada parti oposisi yang lain dengan begitu jelas khususnya PAS. UMNO telah mengalami prestasi terburuknya dalam pilihan raya tersebut. Kajian ini juga dilakukan berdasarkan kepada berlakunya pola ketidaktentuan pengundian yang ditunjukkan dalam empat siri pilihan raya yang terakhir di Terengganu melibatkan PRU tahun 1999, 2004, 2008 dan PRU tahun 2013. Hal ini kerana pertembungan dua parti Melayu-Islam utama iaitu UMNO dan PAS sangat sengit. Keputusan pilihan raya pasca PRU-10 menunjukkan bahawa Terengganu bukan lagi menjadi negeri selamat buat mana-mana parti politik yang bertanding. Setiap parti dilihat mempunyai peluang yang seimbang untuk membentuk kerajaan di Terengganu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahawa pembangunan merupakan faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pembentukan budaya politik Melayu di Terengganu sebelum dan selepas PRU ke-10. Namun begitu pasca PRU ke-10 masyarakat Melayu mula melihat bahawa pembangunan bukan lagi semata-mata mengecapi nikmat keselesaan malahan mesti turut disepadukan dengan prinsip keadilan. Pengundi berkecenderungan untuk bertindak dengan memberikan tindakbalas yang negatif kepada kerajaan sekiranya dasar atau pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan tidak memberikan hasil atau faedah ekonomi kepada pengundi dan sebaliknya. Selain itu juga masyarakat Melayu Terengganu juga tidak lagi hanya mementingkan nilai-nilai yang berkait dengan ketuanan Melayu, Islam dan pembangunan semata-mata malahan telah mengambil satu nilai yang baru selaras dengan perkembangan politik semasa. Keperluan terhadap nilai-nilai dalam politik baru seperti keadilan adalah releven dan diterima serta mempengaruhi transformasi budaya politik mereka. Kata kunci: Transformasi, Budaya Politik, Budaya Politik Melayu, Budaya Politik Baru.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


Author(s):  
Hoolo Nyane

While electoral discontent has been the enduring feature of constitutional democracy in Lesotho since independence, disagreement over electoral system is a fairly recent phenomenon. When the country attained independence in 1966 from Britain, electoral system was not necessarily one of the topical issues of pre-independence constitutional negotiations. The major issues were the powers of the monarch, the office of prime minister, the command of the army and many more.  It was taken for granted that the country would use the British-based plurality electoral system.  This is the system which the country used until early 2000s when the electoral laws were reformed to anchor a new mixed electoral system.  When the new electoral laws were ultimately passed in 2001, the country transitioned from a plurality electoral system to a two-ballot mixed member proportional system. By this time, electoral system had acquired prominence in politico-legal discourse in Lesotho.  In the run-up to 2007 elections, bigger political parties orchestrated the manipulation of electoral laws which culminated in clearly distorted electoral outcomes. The manipulations motivated further reforms in the run-up to 2012 election which resulted in the single-ballot mixed member proportional system. The purpose of this paper is to critically evaluate how electoral laws have anchored electoral system reforms throughout the various historical epochs in Lesotho since independence. The paper contends that while the country has been courageous, unlike most of its peers, to introduce far-reaching electoral system changes, the reform of electoral laws has not been so helpful in attaining the higher objectives of political inclusivity, constitutionalism and stability in Lesotho.


Significance His death was announced a day after the March 6 legislative election results showed the ruling Rally of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP) secured 137 out of 254 contested seats. Bakayoko’s death has opened up a race to succeed President Alassane Ouattara at the end of his third and final term in 2025. Impacts Ouattara will likely hand-pick his successor again and seek to spearhead the RHDP’s 2025 campaign. An emboldened opposition will seek to exploit the government’s failure to stem widening economic inequalities. A new prime minister will struggle to create jobs and alleviate poverty to stem public anger and boost his popularity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-9
Author(s):  
David Robie

The Pacific has entered the third millennium after a tempestuous time in the final year of the 20th Century. All the recent events have had an impact on the region's media.The fragile peace in Bougainville has continued to experience hiccups; the state of emergency in the Solomon Islands over ethnic unrest and even the historic change of government in the Fiji Islands with the country's first Indo-Fijian prime minister. have unleashed tensions. But the major upheaval, of course, has been East Timor's devastating transition to independence from Indonesia and in the resurgence of West Papua ( recently "renamed" Papua from Irian Jaya by Jakarta's colonial authorities) as a news story.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


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