Budaya Politik Baru Pasca PRU KE-10: Analisis Terhadap Transformasi Budaya Politik Melayu Di Terengganu

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
Ilyas Abdullah ◽  
Jamaie Hamil ◽  
Sity Daud

This study is about the political culture of the Malays. It discusses the changes in the political culture of the Malays in Terengganu manifested after the occurrence of an event of dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy President of UMNO who was Anwar Ibrahim on 2 September 1998. The dismissal has produced a wave of resistance in particular from Malays who disclosed this item for a period of time relatively long until and after the general elections of 1999. General Election 1999 has been highlighting a shift support from UMNO to opposition parties that is so obvious. UMNO suffered the worst performance in the election. This study is also done based on the occurrence of the pattern of voting uncertainty shown in four series of the last elections in Terengganu from 1999 until 2013. This is because the convergence of two Islam-Malay based parties namely UMNO and PAS are very intense. Based on election results post 10th General Election shows that the Terengganu State is no longer secure to any political party contesting the election. Each party is seen to have a chance of a balance to form Government in Terengganu. Findings show that development can act as catalyst for the formation of Malay political culture prior and post 10th General Election. In the post 10th General Election, the Malay communities are aware that development does not suggest that people live in comfort but justice should come together. Other than that, the Malay community in Terengganu do not only uphold the values of Islam, Malay and development but they also embrace other values that can keep pace with current political development. Thus, the need for other values such as justice in new politics is indispensable for political transformation. Keywords: Transformation, Political Culture, Malay Political Culture, New Politics. ABSTRAK: Kajian ini adalah satu kajian mengenai budaya politik Melayu. Ia membincangkan transformasi budaya politik masyarakat Melayu di Terengganu yang dimanifestasikan selepas terjadinya peristiwa pemecatan Anwar Ibrahim pada 2 September 1998. Pemecatan tersebut telah melahirkan satu gelombang penentangan masyarakat Melayu Terengganu terhadap UMNO-BN. Penentangan tersebut dapat dilihat menerusi anjakan sokongan masyarakat Melayu daripada UMNO-BN kepada parti oposisi yang lain dengan begitu jelas khususnya PAS. UMNO telah mengalami prestasi terburuknya dalam pilihan raya tersebut. Kajian ini juga dilakukan berdasarkan kepada berlakunya pola ketidaktentuan pengundian yang ditunjukkan dalam empat siri pilihan raya yang terakhir di Terengganu melibatkan PRU tahun 1999, 2004, 2008 dan PRU tahun 2013. Hal ini kerana pertembungan dua parti Melayu-Islam utama iaitu UMNO dan PAS sangat sengit. Keputusan pilihan raya pasca PRU-10 menunjukkan bahawa Terengganu bukan lagi menjadi negeri selamat buat mana-mana parti politik yang bertanding. Setiap parti dilihat mempunyai peluang yang seimbang untuk membentuk kerajaan di Terengganu. Hasil kajian menunjukan bahawa pembangunan merupakan faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pembentukan budaya politik Melayu di Terengganu sebelum dan selepas PRU ke-10. Namun begitu pasca PRU ke-10 masyarakat Melayu mula melihat bahawa pembangunan bukan lagi semata-mata mengecapi nikmat keselesaan malahan mesti turut disepadukan dengan prinsip keadilan. Pengundi berkecenderungan untuk bertindak dengan memberikan tindakbalas yang negatif kepada kerajaan sekiranya dasar atau pembangunan yang dibawa oleh kerajaan tidak memberikan hasil atau faedah ekonomi kepada pengundi dan sebaliknya. Selain itu juga masyarakat Melayu Terengganu juga tidak lagi hanya mementingkan nilai-nilai yang berkait dengan ketuanan Melayu, Islam dan pembangunan semata-mata malahan telah mengambil satu nilai yang baru selaras dengan perkembangan politik semasa. Keperluan terhadap nilai-nilai dalam politik baru seperti keadilan adalah releven dan diterima serta mempengaruhi transformasi budaya politik mereka. Kata kunci: Transformasi, Budaya Politik, Budaya Politik Melayu, Budaya Politik Baru.  

2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farish A. Noor

This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172090632
Author(s):  
Stuart Wilks-Heeg ◽  
Peter Andersen

This article examines the role of results forecasts and exit polls in BBC general election night broadcasts from 1955 to 2017. Despite the substantial role played by academics in results programmes, in devising forecasts and analysing results as they emerge, academic literature on election night broadcasts is scant. This article charts the development of election night forecasting over time and its implications for the structure and content of election night broadcasts. It draws on a unique new data set of verbatim transcripts of the first hour of every BBC election night broadcast from 1955–2017 to quantify the attention paid to forecasts and exit polls and assess how they frame discussion of the likely outcome and its potential political consequences. The article concludes that the function of election night broadcasts as ‘the first draft of psephology’ merits closer attention for both the political narratives and the academic research agendas they generate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-68
Author(s):  
Koushiki Dasgupta

The first general elections proved to be a disaster for the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in Bengal in terms of its performance and its failure to make the Hindu Bengalis a consolidated political block. Prior to the election, the party had generated immense hopes and aspirations especially among the refugees from East Bengal. Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the leader of the opposition, appeared to be the sole spokesman of the Bengali Hindus and fought the election with a promise to secure the political fate of the Hindu Bengalis, especially the refugees from East Bengal. But very soon the party lost the essential spirit and enthusiasm to challenge the leftists especially in the refugee constituencies and failed to take a hold over the issues of multiple identities working parallel inside the refugee political space. The Hindu nationalist forces had never been a popular choice in Bengal; however, at least in the decades before partition they managed to make their presence felt in the political mainstream of the province. In this paper, an attempt has been made to understand why the Hindu nationalist parties in general and the Jana Sangh in particular lost its credibility among the Hindu electorate in Bengal after partition.


2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.


Leadership ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-132
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

Power, however defined, is something we usually consider as indelibly linked to leadership, as something all leaders and followers seek to obtain, retain, and deploy for good or ill, for themselves or others. But there are occasions when power might be something to avoid, especially when it comes tainted with deleterious consequences, rather like the Christian fable of the poisoned chalice. In this brief provocation, I provide examples where this is self-evident but often only in retrospect. Thus, the infamous ‘stab-in-the-back’ saw the German Social Democrats take power, just before the armistice was signed in 1918. At the time of writing (October 2019), the British are on the verge of a General Election and whoever wins, whoever becomes Prime Minister, will also be held responsible for the fallout from BREXIT – irrespective of their role in generating the political crisis; sometimes, it might be better not to seek power.


Asian Survey ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Rashid Moten ◽  
Tunku Mohar Mokhtar

The ruling coalition in Malaysia received an overwhelming mandate to rule in the general elections held in 2004. The major opposition party, which ran an aggressive campaign for an Islamic agenda, suffered a crushing defeat. The election results can be seen as an endorsement of Prime Minister Abdullah's style of moderate governance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Funston

The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its allies in the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, known as the Alliance until 1974, dominated Malaysian elections for more than six decades. UMNO's winning formula was based on massive support for the politically dominant Malay community, and mobilising government institutions in support of the party. This was undermined towards the end of the 1990s by UMNO disunity, a strengthened civil society, and arrival of a digital media. Demands for comprehensive political and economic reforms ( reformasi) emerged following the controversial sacking of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in 1998. UMNO had its worst result ever in the 1999 election, a trend that continued in 2008 and 2013 when BN lost its popular and two-thirds majority. Najib's attempt to reverse this by strengthening the call for Malay dominance and tightening coercion failed. His deep implication in multiple corruption cases, tactical campaign errors, and a united opposition, Pakatan Harapan, led to the BN's stunning defeat.


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