scholarly journals REFORMULASI BENTUK PERTANGGUNGJAWABAN PRESIDEN DALAM SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PRESIDENSIAL

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Sri Bintang Gelang

DPR, MPR, dan Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai pelaksana dari pada proses impeachment terhadap Presiden. Dengan proses politik berada DPR dan MPR (DPR proses awal yang memberikan  usulan dan MPR proses akhir yang memutuskan Presiden dapat di imoeacment atau tidak) dan proses hukum berada di Mahkamah Konstitusi (proses pembuktian benar atau tidak telah di lakukan pelanggaran hukum sebagaimana ketentuan pasal 7A UUD NRI 1945). Sistem pertanggungjawaban Presiden setelah amandemen UUD 1945 merupakan sistem pertanggungjawaban hukum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan yakni pertanggungjawaban dengan materi pelanggaran hukum berupa perbuatan hukum pidana dan tindakan politik yang dilakukan dalam masa jabatan. Oleh karena itu, bentuk-bentuk pertanggungjawaban Presiden merupakan pertanggung-jawaban atas perbuatan hukum pidana dan/atau pertanggungjawaban politik karena ketidakmampuan memenuhi kewajiban sebagai Presiden Republik Indonesia yang kemudian dikualifisir sebagai pertanggungjawaban hukum dalam sistem ketatanegaraan dengan sanksi tertinggi, pemberhentian dari jabatan. Berangkat dari cara berpikir di atas, maka bentuk pertanggungjawaban Presiden menurut UUD 1945 khususnya Pasal 7A adalah bentuk pertanggungjawaban hukum yang terdiri dari pertanggungjawaban hukum pidana berupa pengkhianatan terhadap negara, korupsi, penyuapan, tindak pidana berat lainnya atau perbuatan tercela dan pertanggungjawaban hukum kebijakan Pemerintahan (policy) yakni terbukti tidak lagi memenuhi syarat sebagai Presiden berupa gagal mengemban amanah rakyat dan tidak dapat memenuhi kewajibannya sebagai Presiden, melanggar UUD dan tidak melaksanakan UU dan peraturan lainnya dengan sebaik-baiknya dan seadil-adilnya, serta tidak berbakti kepada nusa dan bangsa.Kata kunci: Reformulasi, Pertanggunngjawaban Presiden, Sistem Presidensial The DPR, MPR and the Constitutional Court act as implementers of the impeachment process against the President. With the political process in the DPR and the MPR (the initial process of the DPR which provides proposals and the MPR, the final process which decides whether the President can be imitated or not) and the legal process is in the Constitutional Court (the process of proving whether or not there has been a violation of the law as stipulated in article 7A of the Constitution NRI 1945). The President's accountability system after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution is a system of legal accountability in the constitutional system, namely accountability with material violations of the law in the form of criminal acts and political acts committed during the term of office. Therefore, the forms of responsibility of the President are accountability for criminal acts and / or political responsibility due to the inability to fulfill his obligations as President of the Republic of Indonesia, which is later qualified as legal responsibility in the state administration system with the highest sanctions, dismissal from office. Departing from the way of thinking above, the form of responsibility for the President according to the 1945 Constitution, especially Article 7A is a form of legal responsibility consisting of criminal liability in the form of treason against the state, corruption, bribery, other serious crimes or disgraceful acts and legal accountability for Government policies (policy ) that is proven that they no longer fulfill the requirements as President in the form of failing to carry out the mandate of the people and failing to fulfill their obligations as President, violating the Constitution and not implementing laws and other regulations as well as possible and fairly, and not serving the country and the nation.Keywords: Reformulation, President's Responsibility, Presidential System

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahri Bachmid ◽  
Said Sampara ◽  
La Ode Husen

This study examined the rights of the constutional court’s decision on the house of representative’s representatives about on the president prospective and/ or the president’s vice private vocational school by the state basic state of the Republic of Indonesia year 1945. The purpose of this study is to find out the mechanism of the Constitutional Court in examining, adjudicating and deciding the opinion of the People's Legislative Assembly that the President and / or Vice President have violated the law in the form of treason against the state, corruption, bribery, other serious criminal acts, disgraceful acts, and / or the opinion that the president and / or the vice president no longer meets the requirements as President and / or Vice President. And also To find out the decision of the Constitutional Court as a binding judicial institution on the opinion of the House of Representatives followed up by the MPR as a political institution that the President and / or Vice President has violated the law in the form of treason, corruption, bribery, other serious crimes, disgraceful acts and / or the opinion that the president and / or vice president no longer fulfill the requirements as President and / or Vice President.


Author(s):  
Anna Triningsih

<p>Undang-Undang Nomor 17 Tahun 2014 tentang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (UU MD3) pasca putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) dinilai memiliki problem substantif/materil akibat materi muatannya bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 (UUD NRI 1945), yang mengakibatkan kerugian konstitusional terhadap Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD), meliputi dikuranginya kewenangan DPD untuk dapat mengajukan (Rancangan Undang-Undang) RUU, dikuranginya kewenangan DPD untuk membahas RUU dan dikuranginya kewenangan DPD dalam kedudukannya sebagai lembaga perwakilan daerah. Hal ini menunjukan bahwa pembentukan UU MD3 nyata-nyata tidak menghormati putusan MK yang diberi mandat UUD NRI 1945 sebagai lembaga penafsir dan penjaga konstitusi, dengan tidak menghormati, mematuhi, dan melaksanakan putusan MK ini menunjukkan ketidakpatuhan terhadap putusan lembaga negara yang telah ditunjuk konstitusi untuk mengawal kemurnian pelaksanaan konstitusi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode normatif menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan ( statute approach ), pendekatan konsep ( conceptual approach ), dan pendekatan historis ( historical approach ). Ketidaktaatan penyusunan UU MD3 pada putusan MK merupakan pengingkaran UUD NRI 1945 dan perkembangan ini merupakan langkah mundur reformasi. Pembentuk Undang-Undang, dalam hal ini, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) dan Presiden harus segera melakukan perubahan UU Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan dengan berpijak pada rambu-rambu konstitusional Putusan MK Nomor 92/PUU-X/2012.</p><p>Law Number 17 Year 2014 on the People’s Consultative Assembly, House of Representatives, Regional Representatives Council, and the Regional House of Representatives (MD3 Law) after the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) is considered to have a substantive problem due to the substance that is contrary to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (the 1945 Constitution), which resulted in the constitutional loss of Regional Representatives Council (DPD), including the reduction of DPD authority to propose draft bills, to discuss draft bills and the reduction in its authority as the regional representative institution. This shows that the drafting of MD3 Law is obviously not respecting the decision of the Court that is mandated by the 1945 Constitution as the interpreter and guardian institution of the constitutional, by not respecting, obeying and implementing MK’s decision which indicates non-compliance with the decision of the state institution that has been designated to guard the purity of the constitution implementation of the constitution. This study uses normative method with statute approach, conceptual approach and a historical approach. The noncompliance of the drafting of MD3 Law towards the MK’s decision is a denial of MK and this development is a step back of Reformation. The legislators, in this case, the House of Representatives (DPR) and the President should immediately amend the Law Number 12 Year 2011 on the Establishment of Laws and Regulations based on the MK’s Decision No. 92/PUU-X/2012. </p>


Author(s):  
Dragan Jovašević

In 2008, the Republic of Serbia adopted a special Law on Liability of Legal Persons for Criminal Offenses. In doing so, on the basis of the international standards contained in the relevant international documents, it joined a large number of countries that introduced criminal liability of legal persons for crimes committed in addition to their responsible persons at the end of the 20th century. For legal persons, the law prescribed a disparate system of criminal sanctions in response to the state-society’s response to such unlawful and punishable conduct. The system of criminal sanctions in the law of the Republic of Serbia includes: penalties, probation and security measures. The law defined the concept, character, legal nature, manner, procedure, pronouncement and execution of criminal sanctions, whose characteristics this particular work speaks of.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-37
Author(s):  
Andi Arfan Sahabuddin

In the Decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number 97/PUU/2013, it is stated that the handling of The Regional Election disputes is no longer be the authority of the Constitutional Court. This raises a consequences, the Regional Election disputes wil be handled through the Special Judiciary. This study aims to analyze the concept of Regional Election disputes court. This study uses a normative method with statute approach. The result of this study shows that the formation of a Special Judiciary to handle the Regional Election disputes is a necessity because it is a mandate of the Law. In order for the handling of Regional Election disputes can be effective, the Special Judiciary should be under the State Administrative Court.


to-ra ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 558
Author(s):  
Tomson Situmeang

Abstract Indonesia is a country that is limited by the constitution, in accordance with the provisions of Article 1 paragraph (2) and (3) of the 1945 Constitution. What is carried out by the executive, legislative, and judicial institutions with different roles, functions and tasks that do not intervene with each other, but are interconnected and intersecting. For example, the DPR Questionnaire Rights to the KPK raises pros and cons, because there are those who think that the KPK cannot be submitted to a questionnaire, but there are those who think that the KPK can also be asked for a questionnaire by the DPR. Questionnaire rights are one of the rights owned by the DPR in carrying out the supervisory function by conducting an investigation of the implementation of a law and/or government policy relating to important, strategic, and broad impacts on the life of the community, nation and state that are allegedly contradictory with the law. KPK is a state institution formed based on the Law so that it is an Organ of Law, but that does not mean that the state institution has no legal or unconstitutional position. KPK is not explicitly mentioned in the 1945 Constitution, but both have constitutional importance in the constitutional system, and even the Constitutional Court states that the term state institution is not always mentioned in the 1945 Constitution, but also formed on the basis of orders from regulations under the constitution. Thus the existence of the KPK as an institution tasked with eradicating corruption is not outside the constitutional system, but instead is placed constitutionally and acknowledged its existence in the constitutional system as one of the state institutions.   Keywords: DPR, Hak Angket, KPK


Author(s):  
Oleh Boginich

Introduction. State responsibility to civil society is a topic that has already been the subject of research by some scientists. It was studied by political scientists, representatives of constitutional law, administrative law, theory of state and law. At the same time, there are still issues that require additional analysis, since, from the author's point of view, the conclusions drawn in previous studies did not contribute to increasing the state's responsibility to civil society. The aim of the article. To investigate the nature of relations between the state and civil society, to establish the grounds for the emergence of its responsibility to civil society, the forms and methods of its control over the activities of individual state bodies and officials. Results. Control functions are immanent to the vital activity of any system. The specifics of a state-organized society necessitate two functions of control – control by society over the state as a special authorized body for solving general cases of the first, and internal control of the state over compliance with the parameters of the system defined by society. From the content of Article 1 of the Constitution of Ukraine, it follows that Ukraine is a sovereign and independent, democratic, social and legal state. These principles constitute the characteristics of the state, which the society, through its representatives in Parliament, when adopting the basic law, authorized to observe in its activities. However, the practice of the activities of state bodies of Ukraine at the present stage indicates total violations of these principles. One of the reasons for this situation is incorrectly established ties between the state and society. Most authors refer to these relations as parity, where the state and society are equal subjects . From our point of view, they are not and cannot be parity, since the state is a function of society, and there is a functional connection between them. Contrary to these conclusions, the activities of the president of Ukraine and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine for violating their duties are not accompanied by the onset of legal liability for them. This, in particular, applies to such cases as the confrontation between the president of Ukraine and the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, where the former unconstitutionally attempted to resolve this confrontation in his favor, suggesting that the parliament dissolve the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. This, in addition to violating their obligations to comply with the Constitution of Ukraine, should also be interpreted as a violation of their oath, which contains similar requirements for their activities. In this regard, measures are considered necessary to apply measures of legal liability to the president for violating his duties and Oath. Similar conclusions should be drawn regarding the failure to fulfill election promises on the part of people's Deputies of Ukraine, as well as their violation of the oath they take in accordance with Article 79 of the Constitution of Ukraine. Conclusions. Summing up, we can conclude that without strengthening the legal responsibility of the state to civil society for non-fulfillment of its duties, the rights of citizens will be subject to systemic violations. Political responsibility is regulated by the norms of law, and therefore it is also a legal liability, it also contains the composition of an offense, in particular a constitutional tort as the basis for its occurrence, and therefore it should necessarily provide for the existence of sanctions for violating the obligations of the relevant authorized entities. Legal liability of officials who head or are members of state bodies should always be accompanied by bringing the perpetrators to justice (constitutional, criminal, administrative, civil, disciplinary).


FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
La Ode Angga La Ode Angga

The Harmonization of the Authority between Supreme Court (MA) institutions The Constitutional Court (MK) and Judicial Commission (KY) is a must. It is done by way of revision of the Law of the Supreme Court, MK and KY for the harmonization of authority. However, if the revision finds a dead end, then the fifth amendment (5) of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia (UUDNRI 1945) is limited to be reconstructed by the provision of Article 24B paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution by affirming the authority of KY clear so that it is not considered to interfere with judicial power. The harmonization can be done by adding an institution that oversees the authority of the Constitutional Court by performing reconstruction in Article 24B paragraph (1) so that there is no more tendency of absolute power. The supervised judge is a judge of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court.  Keywords: Harmonization, Authority, Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, Judicial Commission.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1(162) ◽  
pp. 127-145
Author(s):  
Piotr Uziębło

The problems raised in the doctrine of constitutional law related to the implementation of a decision taken in a referendum in matters of particular importance to the state, as well as the generally marginal use of the institution of popular vote in the constitutional prac-tice, give rise to reflection on the introduction of the institution of a referendum law into the Polish constitutional system. In this article the author considers the advantages and disadvantages of such a solution, analyzing at the same time contemporary normative regulations concerning such acts in other countries. The research leads to the conclusion that despite the risks involved, the refer-endum law should appear in the Polish constitutional system in the future, as it would not only give a chance for a more complete reflection of the will of the collective subject of sovereignty without the necessity of its decoding by the parliament, but it could also be an impulse for the development of the referendum practice in the Republic of Poland. However, it is important to introduce proce-dural barriers that will prevent depreciation of this institution.


2021 ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Iulian Rusanovschi ◽  

On 17.03.2020, the Parliament declared a state of emergency on the entire territory of the Republic of Moldova for the period March 17 - May 15, 2020. By the same Decision, the Parliament delegated the Commission for Exceptional Situations with the right to implement a series of measures to overcome the epidemiological situation in the country. However, in the conditions of a functioning Parliament and despite the clear and exhaustive texts of the Constitution, the Commission for Exceptional Situations amended during the state of emergency the Contravention Code, which is an organic law. The amendments specifically concerned the procedure and terms for examining infringement cases brought in connection with non-compliance with the measures adopted by the Commission for Exceptional Situations and the Extraordinary Commission for Public Health. In the conditions in which an organic law can be modified only by the Parliament, it is obvious the unconstitutionality, at least partial, of the Disposition no. 4 of 24.03.2020 of the Commission for Exceptional Situations, but unfortunately, the Constitutional Court is not mandated with the right to submit to constitutional review the normative acts adopted by the Commission for Exceptional Situations. Under these conditions, the state is obliged to identify solutions in order not to allow an authority to adopt unconstitutional normative acts that cannot be subject to constitutional review.


Author(s):  
Andrey Irkliienko

he Constitutional Council of France is a body of constitutional control established by the Constitution of 1958. The ConstitutionalCouncil is not the only body that carries out the control over constitutionality. The peculiarity of constitutional control in France consistsin the fact that it has a dual nature and goes beyond well-known models of constitutional control. The constitutionality of acts, issuedby the Parliament, is considered by the Constitutional Council, and after the executive bodies do that, it is passed on to the State Council.Despite the fact that the Constitutional Council is not nominated by a court, its decisions, by their essence, are judicial acts and,likewise the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, are endowed with the property of binding force. They are obligatory forall administrative and judicial bodies and are not subjected to revision (the Paragraph 3 of the Article 62 of the French Constitution).However, it should be taken into account that in addition to binding decisions, the Constitutional Council “expresses opinions” that areadvisory in their nature.In addition to carrying out constitutional control, the Constitutional Council has a number of other functions, such as political,advisory and acts as a court to assess the results of elections of deputies to the National Assembly and the Senate, and elections of thePresident of the Republic. Perhaps that is why the Constitutional Council classifies its decisions due to the types of its own powers.Herewith, the noted specific peculiarities are denoted by the Constitutional Council with the help of fixed letter combinations, which are included in the numbers of decision: REF, enacted on referendum issues; ORGA, enacted on issues of the organization of the Cons -titutional Council, etc.Since, despite all the diversity of functions of the Constitutional Council of France, therefore, its main purpose remains the cons -titutional control. Therefore, using the criterion of powers, under which decisions are made, in terms of initial graduation one shouldpoint out the decisions on issues, which are connected with providing compliance of the Constitution with regulatory acts (assuring thepriority of the Constitution), and decisions passed while carrying out other powers.Decisions of the Constitutional Council outstand with being formal and brief. A decision can take literally a few paragraphs. Themost frequently, the Constitutional Council merely refers to a constitutional norm or is limited to the phrase “these provisions do notcontradict the Constitution”, giving guidance and justifying its position in the least.


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