scholarly journals Correction: Bountagkidis, G.; et al. EU Development Aid towards Sub-Saharan Africa: Exploring the Normative Principle. Soc. Sci. 2015, 4, 85–116

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 194
Author(s):  
Bountagkidis ◽  
Fragkos ◽  
Frangos

The authors wish to make the following change to their paper (Bountagkidis et al. 2015)[...]

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Bountagkidis ◽  
Konstantinos Fragkos ◽  
Christos Frangos

Politeia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rod Alence

International organisations have long sought to promote peace and development in sub-Saharan Africa. Much research has focused on their policies and activities, but little is known about how people living in Africa view them. How aware are people in Africa of international organisations, and how helpful do they believe them to be? This article analyses public perceptions using data from Afrobarometer Round 4 surveys conducted in 20 countries. Awareness of international organisations is widespread, especially in countries that have experienced peacekeeping missions and among individuals who have completed primary school. Evaluations are favourable on balance, more so for the United Nations and other “global” organisations than for the African Union and its sub-regional bodies. Though most Africans see development aid as helpful, large and highly visible aid inflows are associated with concerns about the influence that donors and NGOs wield over recipient governments.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.


2010 ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Riikka Shemeikka

Finland is one of the donor countries that is most supportive in family planning (FP), Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and gender issues. This study examines Finnish ODA for FP and SRHR: its decision-making structure, other stakeholders and funding levels. Data consists of documents from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs (MFA) and interviews conducted at the MFA and with other experts. While Parliament decides on the overall level of ODA funding, the Minister for Foreign Trade and Development has considerable autonomy. Other stakeholders such as the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Population and Development and the Family Federation of Finland (Vestliitto) engage in advocacy work and have influenced development policy. Although the Development Policy 2007 mentions the importance of health and SRHR issues and HIV/AIDS is a cross-cutting issue, interviewees stated that the importance of health and SRHR in ODA has declined and that the implementation of cross-cutting issues is challenging. Multilateral funding for UNFPA, UNAIDS and GFATM, and thus the proportion of SRHR funding within the health sector, is however currently rising. Funding for population-related activities has increased and represented 4.8% of Finlands total ODA in 2009. Almost all of this funding is directed towards basic reproductive health and HIV/AIDS issues and the majority is directed through multilateral channels (78% in 2009), mainly UNFPA and UNAIDS. IPPF, Ipas and Marie Stopes International also receive support.


Afrika Focus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Petra Debusscher

This paper examines gender mainstreaming in European Union (EU) development aid towards Sub-Saharan Africa. The aim is to detect how gender (in)equality in Sub-Saharan Africa is framed by the EU by critically assessing the nature and range of the differences between EU and civil society framings of gender (in)equality in Sub-Saharan Africa. Using the method of Critical Frame Analysis, 28 EU programming documents have been analysed and compared to 10 civil society texts on gender equality. I conclude that the EU’s approach to gender mainstreaming in its development aid towards Sub-Saharan Africa is to a large extent integrationist and predominantly instrumentalist as it is framed as a way of more effectively achieving existing policy goals. The more transformative issues that are put forward by Sub-Saharan African civil society organisations do not t within the EU’s dominant development paradigm that is focused on achieving the Millennium Development Goals and does not signficantly challenge gender relations or power structures. The gap between the analysed civil society views and those expressed by the EU can be explained by the EU’s reluctance to include in its policy drafting the promotion of gender equality by civil society organisations. Moreover, the gap seems to have both practical and ideological grounds. Key words: gender equality, European Union, Sub-Saharan Africa, development policy, civil society, millennium development goals, critical frame analysis 


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