scholarly journals A Study on Transboundary Marine Governance of Floating Marine Debris—Taking Kinmen–Xiamen Waters between China and Taiwan as an Example

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 14063
Author(s):  
Jui-Chung Kao ◽  
Cheng-Chung Cho ◽  
Rui-Hsin Kao

Mainland China’s economy has been developing rapidly. Unfortunately, it has led to an increase in municipal and industrial waste, including in Xiamen, in which is has greatly increased. Kinmen is located outside the estuary of the Jiulong River in Fujian, Mainland China, opposite to Xiamen Bay. Whenever there is heavy rainfall, the waste that flows along the Jiulong River is incredible. Kinmen unavoidably has to bear the invasion of floating marine debris due to the effect of ocean currents, tides and monsoons. It does not only pollute the Kinmen sea area, but it also affects the scenery of the beaches in Kinmen. Therefore, this study aimed to explore the data of Kinmen and Xiamen governments regarding the cleaning of floating marine debris, and the differences in distribution areas according to the monsoon, ocean current and tides. In-depth interviews, field investigation, and collection of expert opinions were applied in order to determine the research implication. The results of this study provide information on the marine issues encountered in the governance of the countries surrounding the sea. The study suggests that the transboundary marine governance mechanism should be established in order to effectively solve the problem of floating marine debris in Kinmen–Xiamen Waters. For the welfare of the people, it is expected that the governments of Mainland China and Taiwan will uphold the principle of “pragmatism and reciprocity” by working together to maintain the marine environment in Kinmen–Xiamen waters.

Author(s):  
Rajendra Baikady ◽  
Cheng Shengli ◽  
Gao Jianguo

This article reports on the result of an exploratory qualitative study with in-depth interviews conducted with postgraduate students in Chinese universities. The data were collected from five schools of social work, covering three provincial-level administrative regions of Beijing, Shanghai and Shandong. The principal aim of this article is to understand the development of social work and student perspectives on the government’s role in social work development and the function of social work in China. The study shows that Chinese social work is still developing, and the expansion and function of social work education and practice is mandated by the state. Despite a robust authoritarian hold by the government, the study finds hope among the graduate students about the mission and future of social work in China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fakhar Shahzad ◽  
GuoYi Xiu ◽  
Jian Wang ◽  
Muhammad Shahbaz

Author(s):  
Joseph Cheng

Deng Xiaoping (b. 1903–d. 1997) secured power and launched a policy program of economic reforms and an opening to the external world at the end of 1978. He also initiated a peace offensive toward Taiwan, and had to face a new challenge in China’s Hong Kong policy. In January 1979, the Chinese authorities announced a nine-point proposal for solving the Taiwan issue and guaranteed that after reunification, the existing economic and social systems, as well as the way of life, would remain unchanged. Subsequently, the new Constitution of the People’s Republic of China promulgated in December 1982 contains a new provision; Article 31 states, “The state may establish special administrative regions (SAR) when necessary” (available online). In March 1979, Sir Murray MacLehose (b. 1917–d. 2000), then Governor of Hong Kong, visited Beijing. He met Deng Xiaoping and formally raised “the New Territories lease” question. Chinese leaders gradually began to understand that the Hong Kong future issue could no longer be delayed. The view of recovery gained a distinct edge; Liao Chengzhi (b. 1908–d. 1983), head of the newly established Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council, was given the responsibility of planning for the recovery of the territory. In April 1981, he proposed the “one country, two systems” model policy, which demonstrated the Chinese leadership’s liberation in thinking at that time. The leadership was eager to show the world that China could govern Hong Kong better than the British colonial administration; it wanted the Hong Kong model to have a significant demonstration effect on Taiwan. The policy played a key role in maintaining the confidence of Hong Kong people, and facilitated Chinese leaders’ success in the Sino-British negotiations on the territory’s future. In the decade and a half since Hong Kong’s return to China, the “one country, two systems” model has been working quite well. Stability and prosperity have been maintained; the rule of law and the freedoms enjoyed by the people have been largely intact. Hong Kong’s relative international economic competitiveness has been in slow decline, and the economy has become increasingly dependent on that of Mainland China.


2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gareth Fisher

This article explores factors contributing to a boom in Buddhist temple construction in contemporary mainland China. In contrast to recent studies focusing on struggles between religious believers and the state over the revival of local temples and churches, this article examines the culture of merit making and morality building that leads clergy and lay practitioners to form translocal networks with the aim of constructing temples in rural areas where they have few or any cultural ties. The author explores how temple building is driven by differing moral visions within the urban Buddhist community, but with little consideration for the culture and history of the people in the localities where the temples are constructed.


1964 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Ginsburgs ◽  
Arthur Stahnke

When the Chinese Communists finally consummated their seizure of power in mainland China, one of the first tasks which faced them was that of elaborating a formal institutional structure for the exercise of regular public authority. Indeed, while the new leadership now undoubtedly enjoyed de facto control over the country and the mass of the people, it found itself quite destitute of those normal channels of state regulation and administrative management which serve to bestow legitimacy on a claimant to the role of national government and to distinguish a duly constituted, relatively stable political order from an altogether fluid interlude of revolutionary action predicated on ad hoc use of organised force under a central direction. The Party soon moved to make up for this grave deficiency by creating, on paper at least, a complex mechanism of state administration to back up its bid for recognition as the official spokesman for the Chinese nation and, concurrently, provide it with the wherewithal to play that role effectively.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiu Fai Chow

China took up the discourses and agenda of creative industries increasingly in the first post-millennium decade. Amidst the attempt to turn from ‘made in China’ to ‘created in China’, would the translation of the creativity discourse usher in a better society in China? This article serves as one of the probing steps to ascertain what creativity enables and disables in China. I do so in an inquiry that departs from existing scholarship on two aspects. First, it follows a regional, cross-border labour flow. Second, it focuses on the people in the frontline of creative work. My study draws on the experiences of 12 Hong Kong creative workers who moved to Shanghai and Beijing. Their translocal and transcultural encounters allowed me to trace and foreground the particularities of creative practices in China. Like many fellow creative workers, my informants moved north to pursue better career opportunities. But they also wanted to do something more. Some of them managed to do so. At the same time, their stories were punctuated with disappointments, frustrations and continuous adjustments, categorized into what I call the precarious and the ethical. The findings of this inquiry pose questions on the hypothesis, the hype and the hope of creativity in China.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-128
Author(s):  
Kejun Liu

The prevention and control of public health emergencies is an important challenge to national governance level and governance capacity. The increasing practical challenges of public health governance, the imperfect mechanism of public health emergency response and the insufficient investment in public health cause have affected the effectiveness of national governance of public health emergencies and hindered the in-depth promotion of the modernization of national governance. Therefore, the government, society and the people must move from crisis and prevention mechanism to forward-looking and dynamic adaptive risk governance mechanism, from multi-level structural governance to network collaborative governance, and from defense to attack, so as to improve the national system from the aspect of governance efficiency in response to public health emergencies, and then promote the modernization of national governance. 


1982 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 663-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edel Lancashire

When Chiang Kai-shek and his government retreated to the island of Taiwan after the loss of mainland China to the Communists in 1949, they submitted themselves to a high degree of soul-searching in order to determine the reasons for their defeat. One conclusion drawn from their reflections was that factional conflicts within the Guomindang, lack of discipline, and a decline in morale were as responsible, if not more responsible, for their overthrow than any superior military strength which the Communists might have come to possess. They judged also that they had lost the initiative in the political and psychological battle by countering the Communists' “unlimited war with limited war,” and by having too negative an attitude towards literature. During this evaluation of past performance the Guomindang felt no need to apologize for the imposition of censorship and oppressive publishing restrictions, nor for its suppression of those Left-wing writers who, since the expulsion of Communists from the Guomindang Government in 1927, had made a point of discrediting the Guomindang in the eyes of the people. These were considered to be necessary measures in the fight against Communism. What they did regret was not having used literature as the Communists had, thereby losing the battle for the minds of the people.


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 752-765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chao Kuo-Chün

One of the major causes of the success of the Chinese Communist party is its effective organization and indoctrination of the masses at the grass roots, primarily through a myriad of mass organizations. A study of these organizations in mainland China is significant for a number of reasons. First, in a country like Communist China where the degree of bureaucratization and centralization is high and where mass organizations serve in many respects as a principal medium between government and party policies and the people, the basic programs and policy shifts formulated by the leading organs of these organizations often indicate the direction of the political wind. Second, while details of decisions and deliberations made at meetings of government and party organs are painstakingly guarded, information regarding the programs, activities, and leadership of the mass organizations is more available. Third, by an examination of these mass organizations, we may, to some extent, evaluate the attitudes and reactions of different social classes and groups in present-day China and at the same time observe the techniques employed by the CCP in social communication and political indoctrination.


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