Political Elite Recruitment and Political Structure in French-Speaking Africa

1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (31) ◽  
pp. 369-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor T. Le Vine
2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-107
Author(s):  
Samer Abboud

There has rarely been a dull period in Lebanon’s post-Ottoman political history.Its central geographic, if not political, position within the Arab region,along with its penetrable political system, has made the country vulnerable toregional and international pressures. These pressures have manifested themselvesin both spectacular (e.g., the civil war and Israeli occupation) and moresubtle ways (e.g., the sustained brain drain and continued socioeconomic deprivationof rural communities). Despite these changes, however, the country’spolitical system has remained resilient and the sectarian power-sharing system104 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 31:2forming the core of national politics and distribution of (formal and informal)political power has changed only in style, not substance.Rola el-Husseini’s inquiry into the country’s political elite background,structure, politics, recruitment patterns, and discourses is layered against theresiliency of its confessional system. Her core concern is to trace theLebanese elite’s interactions and their major structural determinants. As such,the inquiry has to ask how the period of Syrian control – Pax Syriana – creatednew possibilities and limitations for elite politics in Lebanon. Thus,while the text is rich in historical analysis and sound in its treatment ofLebanon’s postcolonial politics, the main period of focus is on 1991 to 2005,when Syrian influence was at its peak. As one would expect, Syria’s influenceon elite recruitment and this class’ politics and discourses was profound duringthis period ...


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 682-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sourabh Singh

I have developed a theory regarding the relations among political structure, elite agency and democratization processes that overcomes the political structure/elite agency duality currently plaguing democracy consolidation studies. Using Bourdieu’s insights on the structure/agency relation to empirically examine the Nehruvian (1947–71) and Gandhian (1971–77) periods of Indian democracy, I show that the elite’s role in democratization processes is shaped by their political habitus, which in turn is structured by historically specific political structures. Furthermore, neither the elite’s political habitus nor the political structures that influence it are immune to change. Political structures are shaped by intraparty conflicts among the elite to establish their political authority. Since political structures change because of the changing state of conflict among the political elite, the milieu in which the elite’s political habitus is conditioned also changes. In the changing political milieu, the existent elite’s political sensibilities are reconfigured, and the sensibilities of the new generation of political elite, who have differing interests in democratization processes, become mature.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 01007
Author(s):  
Lelde Metla-Rozentale

The globalization process has transformed substantially understanding of the issue of border. Revising borders is also seen in political science – in the area of political elite recruitment. Recruitment criteria and their importance are changing, including the importance of gender. In 1981 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which provides equal rights of genders in the political elite, the so-called “mirror representation”, i.e., in the political elite men and women should be represented proportionally according to their number in society [4]. It should be particularly stressed that the purpose of “mirror representation” is not only to ensure equal rights of genders, but first of all to improve the quality of politics. As soon as Latvia regained its independence in 1990, the complicated process of formation (recovery) of the democratic governance model started. In 1993 the first parliamentary elections were held, and by 2016 elections for eight parliamentary terms had been held [3]. In view of the complex political history of Latvia, it is interesting and important to clarify the role of gender in the Latvian parliamentary political elite recruitment process – what correlations can be observed with regard to the male and female share in the parliament during the period from 1995 till 2016, and the extent to which it complies with the sex ratio breakdown of the society.


Sociologija ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazic ◽  
Slobodan Cvejic

In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites? recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004.


1979 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 239
Author(s):  
Bernard C. Borning ◽  
John D. Nagle

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Rongrong Lin

The transformation of China’s political elite provides important insights into the nation’s political metamorphosis and the changes in cadre selection criteria. The current literature explains the composition of Chinese political elites by referencing cross-sectional biographic data and describing how the revolutionary veterans stepped down and were replaced by the technocrats who emerged in the 1980s and 1990s. However, explanations for the rise of the technocrats have largely been limited to socioeconomic factors. By analyzing the longitudinal data of Chinese provincial leaders during the period of 1990–2013, this article shows the rise of technocrats in Chinese politics in the 1990s but also provides an explanation for it from the perspectives of individuals’ career paths and the contemporaneous political and policy landscapes. These explanations were drawn from analyses of the expansion of higher education and faculty restructuring in the 1950s, graduate job assignments, the recruitment and promotion of young and middle-aged cadres, and the cadre policy known as the Four Modernizations of the early 1980s. This article presents the interactions among individuals’ career opportunities, group composition characteristics, and socioeconomic and macropolitical dynamics. It also reveals how the Chinese Communist Party legitimizes its ruling power and maintains state capacity and political order through elite recruitment.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document