The Relation of Elite, Sub-Elite, and Village Community in Maintaining the Masra Family Dynasty in Gapurana Village, Sumenep Regency: Study on the H. Andiwarto Regime in 2013-2019

This research focuses on the relation of elite H. Andiwarto with sub-elite and village community in maintaining Masra family dynasty for village head position. Masra family dynasty has run for a long time. For 150 years, Masra family descendants occupy the village head position. The survival of Masra family dynasty in the Gapurana Village Government is studied in the relation of H. Andiwarto, who is Masra descendant with sub-elite and village community to maintain Masra family descendant dynasty as a village head. This research used a qualitative method with descriptive research type. The elite theory proposed by Suzanne Keller was used to analyze the relation of elite, sub-elite, and the community. This theory has 4 (four) indicators: the governing elite, the ruling elite, the not ruling elite, and the community. Based on these indicators and the results of this research, the relation built by H. Andiwarto in maintaining Masra family dynasti consists of three relations: relation with the political elite, relation with economic elite, and relation with the social elite. The political elite’s relationship is vital in maintaining the Masra family descendant dynasty. In contrast, the relation between the economic elite and the social elite supports relations for keeping the legitimacy of the village community towards Masra descendants.

Consecrating and Desecrating Elite Communities: Fearing and Dealing with Social Deviance in Sweden’s Wealthiest Neighborhood

In this article I report observations from an ethnographic study of a Swedish economic elite community, including interviews with residents and service staff, and participant observations in various social contexts stretching over a period of five years that can contribute to an understanding of how elite communities respond to potential social deviance among its members, such as feelings of insufficiency and stress, thus trying to avoid any ‘desecration’ of their social and cultural capital. Specifically, I examine how the practices through which desecration is avoided, for example the exclusion of unwanted members, interplay in the further consecration of the communities, thus maintaining and strengthening elites’ status and standing, Studying the problems and difficulties experienced by elites in their neighborhood settings, and how they try to manage them, is potentially an important step forward to better analyze and understand the way powerful groups in contemporary society maintain and strengthen their privileges and power.

Wrocławscy posłowie do śląskiego sejmu prowincjonalnego (1824–1921) — ewolucja?

Wrocław deputies to the Silesian provincial assembly (1824–1921) — an evolution? The paper focuses on the personal profile, professional background, and length of tenure of deputies to the provincial assembly in Silesia representing the province’s capital almost throughout the entire period of the assembly’s functioning, i.e. from its establishment in 1824 until the end of the term of the last Landtag of Imperial Germany. The observations and inquiries contained in the paper make it possible to present the life stories of the deputies to the provincial Landtag in Silesia. The background of these life stories was provided by significant transformations of the political system in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The fate of the Landtag was part of the general history of Germany, especially Prussia and as a result the systemic transformation of the analysed institution stemmed straight from these events; these were not rapid changes, but a process unfolding across over one hundred years. The subject matter and chronological framework of the paper have not been chosen accidentally. So far authors of the literature on the subject have been interested mainly in the administrative apparatus of the executive power in Prussia in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; the system of self-government and its legislative bodies, that is provincial assemblies, has not attracted much interest of scholars. Only partial studies have been published, examining selected aspects of the history of parliamentarism in Prussian provinces in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. That is why the author has chosen to follow the functioning of the personal profile, shaped in the 1810s, as well as major manifestations of the activity of Wrocław deputies to the provincial assembly in Silesia. Yet no evolution of deputies, mentioned in the title, has been demonstrated. In the three periods of the Landtag’s existence they were municipal officials and representatives of the economic elite. Die Breslauer Abgeordneten in den Provinziallandtag der Provinz Schlesien (1824–1921) — Evolution? Zum Gegenstand dieses Beitrags wurde die personelle und berufliche Struktur sowie die Länge der Amtszeit der Abgeordneten in den Provinziallandtag der Provinz Schlesien, die die Hauptstadt der Provinz in der Zeit von seiner Einberufung im Jahre 1824 bis zur Beendigung der letzten Amtsperiode des letzten Landtages des Zweiten Reiches vertreten haben. Die in der Arbeit enthaltenen Beobachtungen und Ermittlungen erlauben die Schicksale der Breslauer Abgeordneten in den Provinziallandtag der Provinz Schlesien in der Zeit wichtiger Änderung der Staatsform im 19. und zum Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts zu schildern. Die Geschichte des Landtages war mit der allgemeinen Geschichte Deutschlands und insbesondere Preußens verbunden, daher ergab sich die Umwandlung der Ordnung dieser Institution direkt aus diesen Ereignissen; das waren keine gewaltigen Änderungen, der Prozess ging auf ausgetretenen Wegen über die Zeit von mehr als hundert Jahren. Das Thema und der Zeitrahmen wurden nicht zufällig gewählt. Die bisher erschienene Literatur befasste sich vor allem mit dem Verwaltungsapparat der Exekutive in Preußen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, die Ordnung der Selbstverwaltungsbehörden und ihrer Gesetzgebungsorgane, also der Provinziallandtage, fanden kein größeres Interesse der Forscher. Die erscheinenden Arbeiten sprachen nur gewählte Teilelemente der Geschichte des Parlamentarismus in den schlesischen Provinzen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert an. Unter diesen Umständen fand es der Verfasser für zweckmäßig, das Funktionieren der sich im zweiten Jahrzehnt des 20. Jahrhunderts herausgestalteten personellen Struktur und die grundlegenden Erscheinungsformen der Aktivitäten der Breslauer Abgeordneten in den Provin-ziallandtag der Provinz Schlesien zu untersuchen. Die im Titel erwähnte Evolution der Abgeordneten konnte nicht bewiesen werden, in den drei Perioden des Bestehens des Landtages waren das Stadtbeamte und Vertreter der wirtschaftlichen Elite.

PERBANDINGAN REFORMASI MANAJEMEN PUBLIK INDONESIA DAN PERANCIS

AbstrakKajian perbandingan administrasi publik telah berkembang sejalan dengan perkembangan ilmu administrasi publik. Tujuan paper ini adalah mengetahui reformasi manajemen publik di Indonesia dikomparasikan dengan Prancis. Komparasi ini tidak mendudukkan Indonesia vis a vis dengan Prancis, namun untuk menemukan lesson learned untuk membangun Indonesia menjadi lebih baik. Metode yang digunakan adalah studi pustaka. reformasi manajemen publik di Indonesia mempertahankan banyak fitur inti dari negara neopatrimonial yang fundamental, di mana elit politik dan ekonomi yang berkuasa melakukan kontrol ketika beroperasi dalam administrasi publik Weberian. Model reformasi negara Prancis sebagaimana negara-negara eropa kontinental berdasarkan modernisasi (Bouckaert, Pollitt, 2000). Pada negara Prancis, menganggap administrasi negara sebagai domain otonom terpisah dari masyarakat sipil '(Clark, 1998, hal. 100) dan diatur oleh aturan hukum. Berdasarkan studi komparasi reformasi manajemen publik di Indonesia dan Prancis lesson learned yang dapat penulis sampaikan adalah: a) Pelaksanaan Reformasi pada suatu negara harus memperhatikan aspek proses sosial-ekonomi, sistem politik, kebijakan elit berkuasa, dan sistem administrasi; b) Reformasi pada negara maju maupun negara berkembang cenderung mengarah pada penciptaan good government dengan mengadopsi prinsip-prinsip NPM pada tata pemerintahan; c) Dorongan reformasi untuk membangun good government dengan menerapkan NPM melalui paket-paket reformasi harus dibaca ulang disesuaikan dengan karakteristik sosial, budaya, politik dan kondisi masyarakat suatu negara. Kata kunci: perbandingan reformasi, manajemen publik. AbstractComparative studies of public administration have developed in line with the development of public administration science. The purpose of this paper is to find out public management reform in Indonesia compared to France. This comparison does not place Indonesia vis a vis with France, but to find lessons learned to build a better Indonesia. The method used is literature study. Indonesia's public management reforms retain many of the core features of a fundamentally neopatrimonial state, over which the ruling political and economic elite exercise control while operating within the Weberian public administration. The French state reform model as continental European countries is based on modernization (Bouckaert, Pollitt, 2000). The French state considers state administration as an autonomous domain separate from civil society' (Clark, 1998, p. 100) and governed by the rule of law. Based on a comparative study of public management reform in Indonesia and France, the lessons learned that the author can convey are: a) The implementation of reform in a country must pay attention to aspects of socio-economic processes, political systems, policies of the ruling elite, and administrative systems; b) Reforms in both developed and developing countries tend to lead to the creation of good government by adopting the principles of NPM in governance; c) The impetus for reform to build good government by implementing NPM through reform packages must be re-read in accordance with the social, cultural, political and social characteristics of a country. Keywords: comparative reform, public management

Economic elites and the constitutional design of sharing political power

What explains the emergence and persistence of institutions aimed at preventing any ruling group from using the state apparatus to advance particularistic interests? To answer this recurring question, a burgeoning literature examines the establishment of power-sharing institutions in societies divided by ethnic or religious cleavages. Going beyond existing scholarly work focused on these specific settings, we argue that political power-sharing institutions can also be the result of common disputes within the economic elite. We propose that these institutions are likely to emerge and persist when competition between elite factions with dissimilar economic interests is balanced. To address the possibility of endogeneity between elite configurations and public institutions, we leverage natural resource diversity as an instrument for elite configurations. We show that, where geological resources are more diverse, competition between similarly powerful economic groups is more likely to emerge, leading ultimately to the establishment of power-sharing mechanisms that allow elite groups to protect their diverging economic interests.

Wealth wars: how productivity gaps explain democratic erosion in advanced economies

Why are democracies backsliding? I contend that a large productivity gap between economic groups motivates those with low productivity to capture the state for rent-seeking. They assess their relative position as weak and are willing to sacrifice certain democratic guarantees in exchange for favorable policies. Erosion takes two forms. (1) With high inter-class inequality and a large productivity gap among economic industries, losing economic elites capture the state through a political outsider who enacts favorable policy. Once in office, the outsider expands his personal executive control and attacks key democratic veto players. (2) When inter-class inequality is high but the inter-industry productivity gap is small, a united economic elite coordinate to stop a populist takeover. Traditional political elites respond to the populist threat by curtailing basic freedoms of speech and association. I use both quantitative and case study evidence from the US and Spain to support my main hypotheses.

Colonial management as a social field: The Palestinian remaking of Israel’s system of spatial control

This article delves into the everyday dynamics of colonial rule to outline a novel way of understanding colonized–colonizer interactions. It conceives colonial management as a social field in which both the colonized and colonizers negotiate and exchange resources, despite their decidedly unequal positions within a racial hierarchy. Drawing their example from the West Bank, the authors argue that a Palestinian economic elite has proactively participated in the co-production of the colonial management of spatial mobility, a central component of Israeli colonial rule. The study employs interviews and document analysis to investigate how the nexus between Palestine’s commercial-logistical needs and Israel’s security complex induced large-scale Palestinian producers to exert agency and reorder commercial mobility. The authors describe and explain the evolution of a ‘Door-to-Door’ logistical arrangement, in which large-scale Palestinian traders participate in extending Israeli’s system of spatial control in exchange for facilitating logistical mobility. This horizontal social encounter that entails pay-offs is conditioned, but not fully determined, by vertical relations of domination and subordination.

Racialized Capitalism and Anti-Chinese among Indonesian Workers

This research discusses racism, capitalism, and anti-Chinese among Indonesian workers. According to numerous preliminary studies in Western Europe, competition and prejudice drive racism and xenophobia. However, no research has been carried out on the historical relationship between immigrants and Indonesians in forming the capitalism process. Therefore, this qualitative research revealed these historical relationships and found that racism did not affect migrant workers other than Chinese. The study also found that racism was institutionalized through capitalism formation by the state during the colonial period. The Dutch colonialists applied racism in politics by placing Chinese workers as the intermediary, and foreman, thereby leading to the rise of class and racial conflicts. When colonialism collapsed, state officials required that the Chinese become an economic elite and needed capital support to do so. The result showed the harmonious relations between Chinese businessmen and state officials on the one hand and tensions between the state and workers on the other regarding racism and anti-China in Indonesia. Furthermore, over the past decade, identity politics has strengthened in Indonesia with open resistance to Chinese workers.

Images and visual motifs of Spanish economic power: the IBEX court and the banking crisis (2011–2013)

The media help to construct the visual and iconographic imagery of economic power in the dialectical tension between what they show and what they leave out of view. Images such as unemployment queues, graphs, and portraits of the powerful appear assiduously on the front pages of the press, revealing different visual motifs essential to understanding the narrative of the economy, with its inheritances, mutations and hierarchies, which point to its relationship with other spheres of power such as the monarchy or politics. This article attempts to decipher the codes of visual representation of the economic sphere in Spain through the qualitative analysis of front-page photographs published in El País, El Mundo and La Vanguardia from 2011 to 2013, a period marked by the banking and financial crisis, civil protests, or the judicial prosecution of figures such as Rodrigo Rato. The methodology used combines visual analysis and comparative iconography with theoretical foundations of social semiotics and visual communication, as well as interviews with photojournalists and chiefs of staff. Finally, the results conclude that both economic leaders and the media codify their photographs using specific visual motifs to project a distant and proactive image of the banking elite, which is only disrupted when previously revered figures of the economic elite fall from grace in corruption cases. And also, that in the dialectic of the visible and the invisible of economic power there are hidden historical moments that can never be photographed.