Role of Political Habitus in Shaping Dynamics of Democracy: Insights from Nehruvian and Gandhian Period of Democracy in India

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 682-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sourabh Singh
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
New Generation

I have developed a theory regarding the relations among political structure, elite agency and democratization processes that overcomes the political structure/elite agency duality currently plaguing democracy consolidation studies. Using Bourdieu’s insights on the structure/agency relation to empirically examine the Nehruvian (1947–71) and Gandhian (1971–77) periods of Indian democracy, I show that the elite’s role in democratization processes is shaped by their political habitus, which in turn is structured by historically specific political structures. Furthermore, neither the elite’s political habitus nor the political structures that influence it are immune to change. Political structures are shaped by intraparty conflicts among the elite to establish their political authority. Since political structures change because of the changing state of conflict among the political elite, the milieu in which the elite’s political habitus is conditioned also changes. In the changing political milieu, the existent elite’s political sensibilities are reconfigured, and the sensibilities of the new generation of political elite, who have differing interests in democratization processes, become mature.

Post-Mass-Media and Participation

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Research Group ◽  
Felix Guattari ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Participation ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
New Generation

Three decades after Félix Guattari introduced the concept of "post-mass-media" as a necessary condition of media participation, it is by no means self-evident that his reaction to events leading up to 1989 would still attract a new generation of scholars today. Yet, the concept continually reappears to address the role of technology in democratic participation and the relation between the aesthetic and the political. Originating in discussions of the DFG research group Media and Participation, this issu

Thumos in Aristotle’s Politics VII.7

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers
Keyword(s):  
Physical Phenomenon ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Political Value ◽  
Political Realm

Abstract Aristotle claims that the citizens of the best city should be both intelligent and spirited at Politics VII.7 1327b19-38. While he treats intelligence as an unqualified good, thumos (‘spirit’) is valuable but problematic. This paper has two aims: (i) to consider the political value of spirit in Aristotle’s Politics and in particular to identify the ways in which it is both essential to political excellence and yet insufficient for securing it, and (ii) to use this analysis of the role of spirit in the political realm to explain Aristotle’s exclusion of women from political authority, even in the context of the household. I analyze spirit as a physical phenomenon and as a type of desire, before considering its moral and affective aspects. I then return to the role of spirit in political life and examine its importance for the activity of ruling. In the last section I consider the implications of this analysis of spirit for the social and political roles Aristotle assigns to men and women.

Political investors: Political elite oligarchy and mastery of regional resources in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
pp. 205789112091721
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hidayaturrahman ◽  
Bonaventura Ngarawula ◽  
Kridawati Sadhana
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
Business Groups ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

The political investors in the regional head election in Indonesia are an interesting phenomenon to be studied, as not all candidates for regional head, whether governors, regents, or mayors, have the capital to financially support their candidacy. Meanwhile, the nomination fee from has been increasing. For instance, in one of the regencies in Indonesia, the cost has reached 30 billion rupiah. This provides opportunities for regional head candidates to be financed by other people or business groups, known as political investors. This research was conducted to determine the extended role of political investors in regional head elections. This descriptive qualitative research collected data through in-depth interviews and observations as well as online and paper documents. The results showed that political investors play an essential role in enabling regional head candidates to win, and that they in turn benefited from the elections.

scholarly journals Realism and reflexivity: Morgenthau, academic freedom and dissent

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seán Molloy
Keyword(s):  
Academic Freedom ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Hans Morgenthau

Primarily known as a pioneer of International Relations (IR) theory, Hans Morgenthau also wrote on a series of other political themes. Especially prominent in his later career is a concern with the right and duty of a theorist to exercise academic freedom as a critic of government power and, especially in this particular case, of US foreign policy. For Morgenthau the responsibility to hold governments to account by reference to the ‘higher laws’ that underpin and legitimize democracy in its truest form was a key function of the theorist in society. Dissensus and healthy debate characterize genuine democracy for Morgenthau who was perturbed by what he perceived to be a worrying concern with conformity and consensus among the political and academic elites of Vietnam War era America. This article investigates the theoretical and philosophical commitments that explain why Morgenthau felt compelled to oppose the government of his adopted state and the consequences of his having done so. For all the vicissitudes he endured, Morgenthau ultimately emerged vindicated from his clash with the political elite and his experience serves as an exemplary case of the effective use of academic freedom to oppose government policy by means of balanced, judicious critique. In the final section I argue that Morgenthau’s approach to theory, theorization and the role of the intellectual in society provides valuable insights into the nature of reflexivity in IR that are of relevance to contemporary debates in the discipline.

scholarly journals Christianity and the formation of the ideology of power in Soyo in the 17th century.

2019 ◽  
pp. 117-133
Author(s):  
Robert Piętek
Keyword(s):  
17Th Century ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Conflicts

The aim of the article is to present the role of the Christian elements in the formation of the ideology of power in Soyo in the mid of the 17th century. Thanks to its location, the province of Soyo played an important role in Kongo’s relations with Europe. Its location also meant that European influences in this province were stronger than in the rest of the Kingdom of Kongo. A permanent mission of the Capuchin order in Soyo was established as early as 1645. The province became virtually independent from Kongo in the 1640s. By that time, the political elite had formed an ideology of power largely based on the traditional elements of the Kongo culture. While it contained references to Christianity, the emphasis was put on the separateness and uniqueness of Soyo gained in victorious military conflicts with Kongo. The use of the Christian elements in rituals caused occasional conflicts between the secular authorities and the Capuchins.

scholarly journals PENGGUNAAN GRAMATIKA DALAM WACANA POLITIK: STUDI REPRESENTASI BAHASA SEBAGAI SISTEM MAKNA SOSIAL DAN POLITIK

Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Research Study ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Role Of Information ◽  
Negative Form

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse

How are emotions about COVID-19 impacting society? The role of the political elite and grassroots activism

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommaso Gravante ◽  
Alice Poma
Keyword(s):  
Support Groups ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Support ◽  
Grassroots Activism ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Uk

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to empirically investigate the role of emotions in the polarization that emerged during the first months of the pandemic. So, the authors will analyze the social response of two opposing social actors: political elites that have minimized the risks of the pandemic and grassroots groups that have promoted mutual support for vulnerable people suffering from the various effects of the pandemic.Design/methodology/approachFor the analysis, the authors will primarily refer to Hochschild's proposal and the recent literature on emotions and protest. The method is to analyze official statements by politicians from the UK, USA, Mexico, Brazil, Spain and Italy and the social responses that have emerged from different mutual support groups and solidarity networks in those countries, as well as in Chile and Argentina.FindingsThe authors will show how the conflicting responses can exacerbate social polarization in our societies. This polarization goes beyond the political spectrum, and in some cases even social classes, and reaches into the realms of values, emotions and practices. The authors will also show how the response from grassroots activism makes it possible to overcome guilt, shame and other emotions of trauma, among other things.Originality/valueAn analysis of the emotional dimension of two opposing responses to the pandemic will show how these responses have a deep impact on society, ranging from demands for values and practices that legitimize a status quo, to discussing, breaking away from or overcoming social behavior based on individualism and social determinism.

The Religious Elite Connection and Some Problems of Israeli Democracy

1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 477-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Etzioni-Halevy
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Support ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
The Government

This Article is Addressed to the Qufstion Which Has recently caught the attention of scholars of the role of elites in promoting, or conversely impairing, democracy. It is based on the thesis that when elites are separate and relatively autonomous from the political elite which is in government, this promotes democracy. Conversely, when elites are closely connected, this impairs proper democratidelectoral procedures. The paper marshals illustrative-empirical support for this thesis from the relations between two elites in one Westem-style democracy: the religious elite and the political elite of government parties in Israel. It traces the intricate connections between religious leaders and the leaders of the government. It shows that these damage the freedom of elections, and enfeeble Israeli democracy.

Could the Internet be a safety-net for democracy in crisis?

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Ceccarini
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Safety Net ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Social Evaluation

AbstractDemocratic politics does not meet the expectations of citizens who have gradually become more critical towards representative politics and the political elite that represent them. From these well-known considerations and social evaluation spread among the citizenry, this paper focuses on political representation and the concept of citizenship in the age of the Internet. After discussing the positive and negative aspects of digital disintermediation (and hence neo-intermediation), this study concentrates on the potentialities of the role of the Internet, with its ambiguities, and monitoring of citizens' engagement as a possible safety-net for representative democracies in crisis worldwide.

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