The boundaries of civil society in a stateless nation. Governing nineteenth-century Edinburgh

1999 ◽  
Vol 111 (2) ◽  
pp. 763-778
Author(s):  
Graeme Morton
2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 508-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Maxwell ◽  
Alexander Campbell

The establishment of theNemzeti Casino(National Casino) in Pest helped establish civil society in nineteenth-century Hungary. Count István Széchenyi, hoping to modernize Hungary on the English model, established the casino in 1827 as a public forum for the Hungarian nobility. By transcending caste divisions between nobles and bourgeois elites, Széchenyi's casino served as an unofficial parliament and stock exchange, and generally helped cultivate Hungarian patriotism. The Pest Casino inspired a nation-wide trend for casinos, which in turn formed a civil society in opposition to Habsburg absolutism. Yet when the casino movement spread to Hungary's minority nationalities, Jews, Slovaks, Romanians, and particularly Croats, the casino also contributed to national divisions in Hungary's ethnically diverse population that affected the course of the 1848 Revolution.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-628
Author(s):  
Mary Ann Smart

Giacomo Leopardi was convinced that the willingness of Italians to wallow passively in operatic spectacle was an important reason for Italy's lack of a civil society based on debate and the exchange of opinions. Despite recent proposals that opera and opera going constituted signiªcant means of social engagement and contributed to regional and/or national identity, the preoccupations of early nineteenth-century music journalism suggest that opera existed outside the mainstream of both political and aesthetic debate, and was not yet the subject of a truly vibrant national discourse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 318-338
Author(s):  
Anthony Edwards

Abstract This article recovers a dissonant voice from the nineteenth-century nahḍa. Antonius Ameuney (1821–1881) was a fervent Protestant and staunch Anglophile. Unlike his Ottoman Syrian contemporaries, who argued for religious diversity and the formation of a civil society based on a shared Arab past, he believed that the only geopolitical Syria viable in the future was one grounded in Protestant virtues and English values. This article examines Ameuney’s complicated journey to become a Protestant Englishman and his inescapable characterization as a son of Syria. It charts his personal life and intellectual career and explores how he interpreted the religious, cultural, political, and linguistic landscape of his birthplace to British audiences. As an English-speaking Ottoman Syrian intellectual residing permanently in London, the case of Antonius Ameuney illustrates England to have been a constitutive site of the nahḍa and underscores the role played by the British public in shaping nahḍa discourses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
Noboru Ishikawa

This article reviews a wide body of literature on the emergence and expansion of agro-industrial, monoculture plantations across Southeast Asia through the lens of megaprojects. Following the characterization of megaprojects as displacement, we define mega-plantations as plantation development that rapidly and radically transforms landscapes in ways that displace and replace preexisting human and nonhuman communities. Mega-plantations require the application of large amounts of capital and political power and the transnational organization of labor, capital, and material. They emerged in Southeast Asia under European colonialism in the nineteenth century and have expanded again since the 1980s at an unprecedented scale and scope to feed global appetites for agro-industrial commodities such as palm oil and rubber. While they have been contested by customary land users, smallholders, civil society organizations, and even government regulators, their displacement and transformation of Southeast Asia’s rural landscapes will likely endure for quite some time.


2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-64
Author(s):  
ALFONSO W. QUIROZ

AbstractThis study provides a new perspective on civil society in Cuba during the nineteenth century based on concrete information about multiple types of association in different regions of the island. Modern associations developed mainly to meet specific social and cultural needs, achieve legal autonomy from the state and exercise free association despite colonial constraints. This long-term evolution covers several periods of intersections between civil society and political spheres, framed primarily by non-violent constitutionalist and reformist struggles rather than armed separatist conflicts. These findings contradict prevalent interpretations that portray an endemically weak yet increasingly militant civil society. Instead, a growing, moderate, and progressively autonomous and diverse civil society contributed gradually to undermine colonial despotism and establish key bases for post-independence democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos was born and brought up in Crete under Ottoman rule, and the island shaped his early career. The author gives an account of Ottoman government of Crete in the 19th century, and how Greek independence attracted the Cretans. Crete's mixed populations of Christians and Muslims developed at different speeds. Uprisings by Christians in 1821, 1866 and later aimed at securing Crete's union (enosis) with Greece. The Great Powers, especially Britain, France, and Russia, had helped secure Greek independence, while delaying Cretan union, so as to preserve the integrity of the Ottoman empire. This was the Cretan Question, part of the wider Eastern Question. The 19th century saw the development of the Great Idea (megali idea) of incorporating in the Greek kingdom as many Greek communities from outside as possible. Civil society was developing in Crete in the second half of the19th century, and as the Cretan Christians increased in wealth and population, the Muslims were largely left behind.


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