Sur l'Egypte et le Soudan [Toledano (Ehud R.) : State and Society in mid-nineteenth century Egypt ; Warburg (Gabriel) : Historical Discord in the Nile Valley ; O'Fahey (R.S.) : Enigmatic Saint : Ahmad Ibn Idris and the Idrisi Tradition ; Daly (M.W.) : Imperial Sudan. The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1934-1956) ; Beasley (Ina) : Before the Wind Changed. Edited by Janet Starkey ; Abdel Rahman El-Rasheed (Fatima) : Activités commerciales et dynamisme socio-économique au Darfur ; Collins (Robert O.) : The waters of the Nile : hydropolitics and the Jonglei Canal (1900- 1988)]

1995 ◽  
Vol 82 (307) ◽  
pp. 205-207
Author(s):  
Gérard Prunier
2008 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAGNAR K. KINZELBACH

The secretarybird, the only species of the family Sagittariidae (Falconiformes), inhabits all of sub-Saharan Africa except the rain forests. Secretarybird, its vernacular name in many languages, may be derived from the Arabic “saqr at-tair”, “falcon of the hunt”, which found its way into French during the crusades. From the same period are two drawings of a “bistarda deserti” in a codex by the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II (1194–1250). The original sketch obviously, together with other information on birds, came from the court of Sultan al-Kâmil (1180–1238) in Cairo. Careful examination led to an interpretation as Sagittarius serpentarius. Two archaeological sources and one nineteenth century observation strengthened the idea of a former occurrence of the secretarybird in the Egyptian Nile valley. André Thevet (1502–1590), a French cleric and reliable research traveller, described and depicted in 1558 a strange bird, named “Pa” in Persian language, from what he called Madagascar. The woodcut is identified as Sagittarius serpentarius. The text reveals East Africa as the real home of this bird, associated there among others with elephants. From there raises a connection to the tales of the fabulous roc, which feeds its offspring with elephants, ending up in the vernacular name of the extinct Madagascar ostrich as elephantbird.


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


1991 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1589
Author(s):  
F. Robert Hunter ◽  
Ehud R. Toledano

2000 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 325-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay Spaulding

Modern nationalisms first arose during the later eighteenth century around the wide periphery of the ancient heartland of western culture and gnawed their way inward during the course of the nineteenth century to the core, culminating in World War I, Each new nationalism generated an original “imagined community” of human beings, part of whose ideological cohesion derived from a sense of shared historical experience. Since the actual historical record would not necessarily satisfy this hunger, it was often found expedient to amend the past through acts of imagination aptly termed the “invention of tradition.”One of the many new “imagined communities” of the long nineteenth century took shape in the northern Nile-valley Sudan between the final disintegration of the old kingdom of Sinnar (irredeemable after the death of the strongman Muhammad Abu Likaylik in 1775) and the publication of Harold MacMichael's A History of the Arabs in the Sudan in 1922. The new national community born of the collapse of Sinnar, strongly committed to Arabic speech and Islamic faith, was tested by fire through foreign conquest and revolution, by profound socio-economic transformation, and by the challenges attendant on participation in an extended sub-imperialism that earned it hegemony—first cultural, and ultimately political—over all the diverse peoples of the modern Sudan.One important response of the nascent community to the trials of this difficult age was the invention of a new national historical tradition, according to which its members were descended via comparatively recent immigrants to the Sudan from eminent Arabs of Islamic antiquity.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 190
Author(s):  
Donald Malcolm Reid ◽  
Ehud R. Toledano

1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Juan R. I. Cole ◽  
Ehud R. Toledano

1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-279
Author(s):  
Hanna Y. Freij

The aim of this book, as pointed out in the introduction, is toexplore the unfolding and evolving of "state institutions, socioeconomicstructures, cultural policies and ideological currents" from the end ofthe Ottoman Empire until the present in Syria and Lebanon. Althoughlaudable, the book falls short of this lofty aim, for the arguments presentedin several essays are not developed fully while others contain agreat deal of rhetoric. Nonetheless, some articles deserve the readers'close attention.The first article is by Abdul-Karim Rafeq, a prominent Syrian historian,who challenges from the outset the notion that Arab nationalismappeared in the nineteenth century due to the European impact. Ina highly nuanced argument, he traces the development of identityamong the Syrian ulama under Ottoman rule through their defence ofthe "rightful application of the Islamic Shari'ah [which they] werehighly critical of any breaches of it" (p. 2). Moreover, he adds thatthey sided with the peasantry against the unjust application of Ottomanland grants, which reduced the peasants to little more than serfs.His initial arguments are both well researched and highly documented.After a short discussion of the tolerance that existed between theSyrian Christians and the Muslim rulers, Rafeq turns his attention toAmir Faysal's attempt to establish an Arab government in postOttomanSyria ...


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