The Challenge of Mass Democracy

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 180-190
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Bind

This paper examines the development of modern vaccination programme of Cooch Behar state, a district of West Bengal of India during the nineteenth century. The study has critically analysed the modern vaccination system, which was the only preventive method against various diseases like small pox, cholera but due to neglect, superstation and religious obstacles the people of Cooch Behar state were not interested about modern vaccination. It also examines the sex wise and castes wise vaccinators of the state during the study period. The study will help us to growing conciseness about modern vaccination among the peoples of Cooch Behar district.   


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ninad Shankar Nag

It is proposed that government, being the tangible expression of the legitimate authority within an organised society, has undegone a long transformational journey since its very emergence. The various evolutionary forms and features of the government have been the product of its meaningful and viable responses to the changing expectations of the people as well as to the challenges they faced in an ever-changing environment. The exclusive domain of the state over the period became a shared space with inclusion of other actors and stakeholders, and an era of governance was ushered in since the 1980s. The much celebrated success of the liberal democracy and its market-led open economy heralded as an era of good governance. However, the universal model of good governance fails to take into account the local constraints of a society. Thus, the idea of good governance has to face various types of challenges in the developing as well as underdeveloped societies.


Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-16
Author(s):  
John P. Sisk

The best way to begin Noam Chomsky's For Reasons of State is to read the epigraph, a lengthy quotation from the nineteenth-century anarchist saint, Mikhail Bakunin, from which the title is taken. Central to it is an impassioned assertion that “the entire history of ancient and modern states is merely a series of revolting crimes” and that kings, ministers, statesmen, bureaucrats and warriors, past and present, “if judged from the standpoint of simple morality and human justice, have a hundred, a thousand times over earned their sentence to hard labor or to the gallows.” It is a fiery and, in more ways than Chomsky may have intended, an entirely appropriate invocation. This is the Bakunin who appears later in the book, in “Notes on Anarchism,” as the eloquent sniffer-out of the coming “red bureaucracy,” the confessed “fanatic lover of liberty,” the prophet of thai “intelligent and truly noble part of youth” that will ultimately adopt the cause of the people.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Evans

Throughout the nineteenth century the relationship between the State and the Established Church of England engaged Parliament, the Church, the courts and – to an increasing degree – the people. During this period, the spectre of Disestablishment periodically loomed over these debates, in the cause – as Trollope put it – of 'the renewal of inquiry as to the connection which exists between the Crown and the Mitre'. As our own twenty-first century gathers pace, Disestablishment has still not materialised: though a very different kind of dynamic between Church and State has anyway come into being in England. Professor Evans here tells the stories of the controversies which have made such change possible – including the revival of Convocation, the Church's own parliament – as well as the many memorable characters involved. The author's lively narrative includes much valuable material about key areas of ecclesiastical law that is of relevance to the future Church of England.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Lusy Liany ◽  
Ely Alawiyah Jufri ◽  
Mohammad Kharis Umardani

Abstrak: Pancasila bagi masyarakat Indonesia bukanlah suatu hal yang baru dan asing. Pancasila terdiri dari lima sila yang tertuang dalam Pembukaan UUD 1945 Alinea ke-IV dan diperuntukkan sebagai dasar negara Republik Indonesia. Di Indonesia, pelaksanaan  pendidikan nasional diatur dalam UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 Tentang Pendidikan Nasional. Pasal 2 UU No. 20 Tahun 2003  menyebutkan bahwa: “Pendidikan nasional berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Pada saat ini Pancasila seiring dengan perkembangan dan perubahan zaman yang begitu pesat dan kompleks yakni di era globalisasi ini,moralsiswa-siswi Indonesia mulai dipertanyakan. Di tengah hegemoni media, revolusi iptek tidak hanya mampu menghadirkan sejumlah kemudahan dan kenyamanan hidup bagi manusia modern, melainkan juga mengundang serentetan permasalahan dan kekhawatiran terhadap kepribadian bagi seluruh bangsa Indonesia khususnya dalam hal ini para siswa-siswa. Untuk itulah, pemberian materi tentang nilai-nilai Pancasila kepada siswa-siswi mutlak diperlukan supaya para siswa-siswa agar dapat memahami nilai-nilai yang terdapat didalam Pancasila itu sendiri sehingga dapat menerapkannya dalam kehidupan berbangsa,bernegara dan bermasyarakat.Abstrak: Pancasila for the Indonesian people is not something new and unfamiliar. Pancasila consists of five precepts contained in the 1945 opening paragraph of all IV and designated as the foundation of the Republic of Indonesia. In Indonesia, the implementation of national education stipulated in Law No. 20 Year 2003 on National Education. Article 2 of Law No. 20 of 2003 states that: "The national education based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. At this time Pancasila along with the development and the changing times is so rapid and complex that in this era of globalization, moralsiswa-Indonesian student was questioned. In the center of media hegemony, a revolution in science and technology is not only able to present a number of conveniences and comforts of life for modern humans, but also invited a spate of issues and concerns about the personality of the people of Indonesia, especially in this case the students. For this reason, the provision of material about the values of Pancasila to students is absolutely necessary in order for the students to understand the values contained in Pancasila itself so that it can apply in the life of the nation, the state and society.


2017 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Merphin Panjaitan

AbstractThe people’s goal to established the a state is to get better life, justice, secure and welfare.But in the New Order, injustice was almost happened in all fields of lives, which was thenfall into an economic crisis leaving broad poverty, unemployment, backward education andcorruption. Those New Order’s diseases are still continue up till now, although reformationhas been continued for more than 10 years. In reality the state’s power is not always used toserve its people. Thus, people has to tightened its control toward state, since when onceloose its control, state’s power will be misused only for the interest of the ruler and at thesame time forget the people who actually is the owner of the state. The state is owned bypeople for the common good and that kind of state is named democratic state that its processof execution must be under people’s control. For that purpose it needed a kind of politicalinteraction between state-society which is peaceful, secure, fairness and having trust to eachother. That interaction needs appropriate condition, among other things are limited statepower, power division based on check and balance principle, general election, effectivepolitical participation, regional autonomy and reformation of the behavior of society andstate.Keywords: State power, People’s control, Democratic state,Behavior reform of state and society


1986 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 37-69
Author(s):  
Robert L. Patten

Victorian political and social thought was shaped to some extent in response to the French Revolution and the Regency. One widely circulated mid-nineteenth-century emblem of the State is George Cruikshank's The British Bee Hive, which he designed in 1840 during a second wave of Chartist agitation whose origins and program extend backward into the first decades of the century (Fig. I). The Bee Hive was not published, however, until twenty-seven years later, on the eve of the second Reform Bill, when Cruikshank's “Penny Political Picture for the People” gave him an opportunity to address his public one more time “with a few words upon Parliamentary Reform” and the constitutional subjects that had preoccupied him “for upwards of fifty years.” As an expression of populous enterprise and the stable class hierarchies of the British bourgeois monarchy, George Cruikshank's beehive embodies in its design and accompanying letterpress not only his notions about the second Reform Bill, but also ideas growing out of earlier political, social, and graphic controversies.


Author(s):  
Matthew Kelly

This chapter examines the debate provoked by the decision to place the Muckross Estate in Co. Kerry on the market in the 1890s. Home Rule MPs, among others, insisted that the state should buy the estate on behalf of the people and manage it as a National Park. Inspiration was taken from the emergent U.S. National Park system and the campaign was framed in terms of how expanding expectations of the state might deliver justice for Ireland, particularly in the context of the over-taxation and Home Rule controversies. Attention is also paid to the National Trust’s engagement with the question. The controversy is contextualised through a discussion of the valorisation of the Lakes of the Killarney over the course of the nineteenth century and the story is taken into the twentieth century by considering independent Ireland’s struggle to maintain the site as a National Park.


Author(s):  
Jiang Qing

As China continues to transform itself, many assume that the nation will eventually move beyond communism and adopt a Western-style democracy. But could China develop a unique form of government based on its own distinct traditions? This book says yes. It sets out a vision for a Confucian constitutional order that offers a compelling alternative to both the status quo in China and to a Western-style liberal democracy. It is the most detailed and systematic work on Confucian constitutionalism to date. The book argues against the democratic view that the consent of the people is the main source of political legitimacy. Instead, it presents a comprehensive way to achieve humane authority based on three sources of political legitimacy, and it derives and defends a proposal for a tricameral legislature that would best represent the Confucian political ideal. The book also puts forward proposals for an institution that would curb the power of parliamentarians and for a symbolic monarch who would embody the historical and transgenerational identity of the state. In the latter section of the book, four leading liberal and socialist Chinese critics critically evaluate the book's theories and the author gives detailed responses to their views. The book provides a new standard for evaluating political progress in China and enriches the dialogue of possibilities available to this rapidly evolving nation.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 502-504
Author(s):  
Leonard Preyra

The Politics of Direct Democracy: Referendums in Global Perspective., Lawrence LeDuc., Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview. 2003, pp. 214.The 1980s marked a watershed in the evolution of liberal democracy. On the global front the principles of liberal democracy were successfully used as battering rams to demolish the walls erected by its powerful Cold War rival—socialism. Our side declared victory and the end of ideological conflict. And yet in its struggle with socialism liberal democracy planted the seeds for its own transformation—it was hoist with its own petard. A new consensus emerged. Our elections were also a sham, parties provided little or no meaningful choice, and legislators were unrepresentative, unresponsive and unaccountable. On major constitutional and moral issues there was gridlock. From the left came calls for “people power” and more inclusive and empowering institutions. From the right came calls for privatizing the State and reducing the autonomy of elected officials and the “special interests” who controlled it. Enter the referendum as a way of addressing this “democratic deficit.” Why not let the people decide?


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