scholarly journals INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION OF THE LANGUAGE RIGHTS OF MINORITIES IN THE 19th – THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY

The article discusses regulatory efforts of states to protect the rights of national minorities. The focus is on the role of the League of Nations and the treaties on minorities concluded with Poland (1919), Czechoslovakia (1919), the Serbo-Croat-Slovenian state (1919), Romania (1919) and Greece (1920), as well as the peace treaties that formed the basis of the Versailles-Washington system of international relations in Europe in 1919– 1922 (the 1919 Peace Treaty between the Allied and United Powers and Germany, the 1919 Saint-Germain Peace Treaty, the 1919 Neisk Peace Treaty, the 1920 Trianon Peace Treaty, the 1920 Sevres Peace Treaty). The contribution of the Permanent Court of International Justice to the protection of minority rights is noted (the case of minority rights in Upper Silesia, the case of minority schools in Albania, the case of eviction of German minorities in Poland).

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406612110338
Author(s):  
Joanne Yao

The Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), created in 1959 to govern the southern continent, is often lauded as an illustration of science’s potential to inspire peaceful and rational International Relations. This article critically examines this optimistic view of science’s role in international politics by focusing on how science as a global hierarchical structure operated as a gatekeeper to an exclusive Antarctic club. I argue that in the early 20th century, the conduct of science in Antarctica was entwined with global and imperial hierarchies. As what Mattern and Zarakol call a broad hierarchy, science worked both as a civilized marker of international status as well as a social performance that legitimated actors’ imperial interests in Antarctica. The 1959 ATS relied on science as an existing broad hierarchy to enable competing states to achieve a functional bargain and ‘freeze’ sovereignty claims, whilst at the same time institutionalizing and reinforcing the legitimacy of science in maintaining international inequalities. In making this argument, I stress the role of formal international institutions in bridging our analysis of broad and functional hierarchies while also highlighting the importance of scientific hierarchies in constituting the current international order.


1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 182-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shabtai Rosenne

En s'efforçant, au lendemain de la guerre [1914 – 1918], de poser les bases d'une société de peuples régie par le droit, les fondateurs de cette communauté internationale nouvelle se rendaient pleinement compte qu'il ne saurait y avoir une société organisée sans un pouvoir judiciaire chargé de veiller, en dehors de toute préoccupation de politique et de force, à la stricte observation du droit. C'est dans cette conviction qu'ils ont prévu, dès l'origine, la création de la Cour permanente de Justice internationale.Feinberg in 1931Reviewing the history of the Permanent Court of International Justice and of the International Court of Justice from 1922—the World Court, a convenient but possibly misleading expression which embraces both the Permanent Court from 1922 to 1945 and the present International Court of Justice established as an integral part of the United Nations since—four clearly separated periods can be discerned. They run from 1922 to 1931, 1932 to 1940, 1946 to 1966, and from 1967 onwards.The establishment of the League of Nations and the Permanent Court after a cataclysmic war in Europe and the awe-inspiring Russian Revolution released a wave of euphoria upon the exhausted and war-weary peoples of what is now known as Western Europe, and they placed great hopes in the new League and Court.


2019 ◽  
pp. 80-104
Author(s):  
R. Shindo

The First World War marked a turning point for civilization development in the 20th century. With the collapse of the Central Powers, a new international order arose. In the wake of the Paris PeaceConference, the founding of the League of Nations was above all due to the initiative of the victorious powers. Member states were expected to contribute to maintaining world peace. Japan was one of themajor Allied powers and a permanent member of the League Council. In this position, Japan was significantly involved in the post-war politics of Europe. To elucidate the nature and consequences of this involvement, the activities of Japanese diplomats in the League of Nations and in the Permanent Court of International Justice in the Hague during theperiod between the First and Second World Wars are examined. Particular attention is paid to Japan’s participation in the regulation of the demarcation and minority issues in Upper Silesia and in theVilnius and Memel districts.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Adél Furu

This paper raises important questions about the nature of governance in Finland with a view to the difficulties of the Sámi minority, and in the same time in this study we present our comparative approach to investigate how Finland and Turkey are able to solve internal ethnic conflicts related to their national minorities. The article provides a comparative analysis of the democratic order in a consolidated democracy (Finland) and in a weak democracy (Turkey). The democratic experience of these countries is of reasonable importance, as a considerable number of countries worldwide are at various stages during the democratic experiment. This study outlines the role of democratic order in conflict prevention in these two states.


Author(s):  
Daniel Pejic

The literature on cities and international relations (IR), or “global urban politics,” as it is sometimes termed, is a diverse stream of social science research that has developed in response to major demographic and economic shifts that began in second half of the 20th century and continue to today. During this time the world has witnessed dramatic globalization and urbanization, centralizing populations in cities. It is predicted that by 2050 close to 70 percent of the world’s population will live in urban areas, meaning that 21st-century challenges will be largely urban in nature. Across areas such as migration, health, environmental sustainability, and economic development, citizens and city governments are constantly exposed, and need to respond to, the impacts of globalization on cities. At the international level, multilateral organizations have recognized this shift and are increasingly involving cities, or networks of cities, as interlocutors in global forums. IR has been slow to acknowledge the increasing importance of cities in international affairs, as it conflicts with the state-centric paradigm of mainstream theory. Most early scholarship on cities and globalization came from urbanists and political economists, who studied the development of “global cities” that were acting as the critical nodes in the architecture of the world economy. This literature predominately identified cities as the sites of global processes, with limited capacity to influence or shape them. It also offered a narrow, economistic conception of cities that vastly prioritized the experiences of wealthy cities in the Global North. More recently, scholars have begun to study and theorize the role of cities as actors in global affairs, particularly through forms of networked governance and involvement in key multilateral discussions. This bibliography tracks the evolution of this research agenda from its conception to the present day. It begins with a limited background in the study of urban politics, providing a crucial framework for understanding how the diverse streams of research developed. It then details the continuing work on “global cities,” which recognized the increasing importance of cities to international affairs in the late 20th century, although largely defined in narrow economic terms. What follows is a broader theorization of the role of cities in global governance, which begins to afford some agency to cities to shape international affairs across a range of policy areas and brings them directly into the purview of IR. While most of this literature has still been driven by, and focused on, cities of the Global North, there have been efforts to broaden the geographic focus and recognize the way globalization and urbanization have been experienced differently in cities across the globe. Finally, the bibliography draws on a recent literature exploring some of the political and legal implications of this shift to the “urban century.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-201
Author(s):  
Egor Fedotov

The studies of human behaviour that foreground the explanatory role of exogenously given incentives and constraints give short shrift to the role of agency, or the behaviour(s) of actors, in attempting to shed light on both policy and behaviour. This article reverses the emphasis – with the example of ethnic politics in the southern Austrian province of Carinthia with respect to the preservation and/or erection of German-language and Slovenian-language inscriptions – by arguing that the behavioural strategies of vulnerable or disadvantaged groups, such as national minorities, can carry significant political consequences – and thus are worthy of study. Specifically, the article looks into a politics of consensus and a politics of (political) realism, as the latter are advocated by Carinthian Slovenes in Austria. The findings serve as a wake-up call for West European states in particular, which, arguably, have grown complacent about their own minority rights records.


Author(s):  
James Crawford ◽  
Tom Grant

This article explores what is commonly called the ‘World Court’. It examines the slow and steady growth of the global rule of law in detail, starting with the juridical experiment of the League of Nations: the Permanent Court of International Justice. It points out that the Court goes against the grain of contemporary international relations and the proliferation of actors because of Article 34 of its Statute.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (20) ◽  
pp. 159-166
Author(s):  
V.O. Nahorna

The article focuses on the evolutionary development of international legal regulation in the field of protection of the national minority rights from the Westphalian system of international relations to the present. The aspiration of non-dominant groups to preserve their cultural, religious, or ethnic background was manifested simultaneously with the emergence of nation-states in the seventeenth century. However, since then, the international community has not reached a consensus on the content of the concept of minority: a unified approach to the issue has not been elaborated in either international legal acts, law doctrine, or judicial practice. At the universal level, the protection of minority rights in international law was institutionalized only during the functioning of the League of Nations. The established procedures for the implementation and control over the observance of minority rights within the League of Nations were elaborated in sufficient detail and provided for effective collective security measures to resolve international disputes and problems arising in connection with the protection of minority rights. Indeed, this system also had a number of significant shortcomings that were subsequently taken into account when establishing mechanisms for the protection of minority rights within the United Nations. In reviewing international legal acts after 1945, the following general tendency should be emphasized. It concerns the adoption of a large array of documents in this field, most of which are advisory and general in nature. This is explained by the fact that minority issues are a sensitive area of public relations, and states are reluctant to make this sphere regulated by international law. The Council of Europe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (1995) became the first legally binding legislative act on the protection of minorities in general, and this fact makes it fundamentally important. The absence of the norms directly aimed at the protection of national minorities in the catalog of rights guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights (1950) cannot but affects the efficient application of the mechanism of the European Court by national minorities. However, the link between human rights violations and minority rights allows the latter to fight for the restoration of individual human rights protected by the European Convention, which undoubtedly plays a positive role in the context of the protection of collective minority rights. Keywords: national minorities, periodization, universal system for the protection of human rights, Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, ECHR.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Marenglen Cobo

Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.


Author(s):  
Tripuresh Pathak

The Independence of Bangladesh was one of the most important event to have occurred in the World Politics of 20th Century. It was not just dismemberment of the then biggest Muslim State in terms of Population, but was also a great question mark on the survival of the state that was founded only on the basis of Religion. Constructivism is an approach in International Relations that contends that Reality is inter-subjective and is constructed through the interaction of different players and institutions. This Research Paper makes an in-depth analysis of different factors that played important role in creation of Bangladesh. The two Nation theory on which Pakistan was founded has been dealt in this paper. The value of given identity depends upon its number and the binding potential of an identity is more in case of identity being in substantive minority than when the identity is in majority. The colonial construct of labelling the entire community as either martial or coward was also responsible for the crisis. The lack of democratic development has also been highlighted as it reduced the capability of Pakistani state in dealing with aspirations of people of East Pakistan. The paper also seeks to critically analyze the role of India in formation of Bangladesh.


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