scholarly journals ATIVISMO JUDICIAL E RESISTÊNCIA DA SOCIEDADE CIVIL ORGANIZADA ENQUANTO FREIO ÀS AGRESSÕES AOS DIREITOS HUMANOS INCITADOS PELO DISCURSO DE ÓDIO / JUDICIAL ACTIVISM AND RESISTANCE OF ORGANIZED CIVIL SOCIETY AS A BRAKE ON HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES PROMPTED BY THE HATE SPEECH

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 87431-87449
Author(s):  
Henrique Alexander Keske ◽  
Claudine Rodembusch Rocha
Global Jurist ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ebenezer Durojaye

AbstractThis article examines the role of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Commission) in establishing norms and standards on HIV and human rights that will assist African governments in addressing human rights abuses in the context of HIV as well as in combating the spread of the epidemic. The article argues that through the promotional and protective mandate of the Commission, opportunity exists for the establishment of important norms and standards to guide African states in addressing human rights challenges raised by HIV/AIDS. It concludes by arguing that the African Commission needs to forge more collaboration with states and civil society groups to ensure proper implementation of its norms and standards at the national level


Author(s):  
Trinh T. Minh-ha

This chapter examines not only the unrest in Tibet but also that among China's civil society. It explores social media as a platform for speaking out against the human rights abuses, as well as the limitations of social media given the Chinese government's attempts at censoring these platforms on the matter of Tibet—an act that shares similarities with the U.S. government's own attempts at information surveillance and control as depicted in the previous chapters. The chapter then turns to Chinese civil society at large, as well as the emerging socio-political significance of the legal profession as China's rule of law consistently comes under public scrutiny.


Societies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Ben Kisby

Contemporary societies face a range of important challenges, including: climate change; poverty; wealth, income, and other forms of social inequality; human rights abuses; misinformation and fake news; the growth of populist movements; and citizen disenchantment with democratic politics [...]


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin M Bakke ◽  
Neil J Mitchell ◽  
Hannah M Smidt

Abstract Research suggests that civil society mobilization together with the ratification of human rights treaties put pressure on governments to improve their human rights practices. An unexplored theoretical implication is that pressure provokes counterpressure. Instead of improving treaty compliance, some governments will have an interest in demobilizing civil society to silence their critics. Yet we do not know how and to what extent this incentive shapes governments’ policies and practices regarding civil society organizations. In this article we argue and show—using a new global database of government-sponsored restrictions on civil society organizations—that when governments have committed to human rights treaties and, at the same time, continue to commit severe human rights abuses, they impose restrictions on civil society groups to avoid monitoring and mitigate the international costs of abuses.


Author(s):  
Susanne Buckley-Zistel

Abstract This chapter asks what processes of dealing with the past have been set in motion and how they relate to the search for justice and the quest for remembrance on a more global scale. In the aftermath of the “Arab Spring,” the affected countries have been going through transitions of various forms that are significantly re-configuring the MENA region. In this context, a number of new civil society actors, political elites, and international norm entrepreneurs are engaging with the lengthy histories of repression in the respective countries as well as with the violence that occurred during the Arab Spring in order to reckon with the legacy of human rights abuses (Sriram, Transitional justice in the middle East and North Africa, Hurst, London, 2017). These transitions to justice are not without obstacles and challenges, though. The objective of her chapter is therefore not to tell the stories of various transitional justice and memory projects in post-Arab Spring countries, but to situate such practices in time and space.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amr Hamzawy

Soon after the 2013 military coup, state-sponsored violence and human rights abuses have begun to shake Egyptian society. The regime of president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has attempted to rationalize them, claiming that this is the only path to save the most populous Middle Eastern country from civil unrest, terrorism, and economic decay. Al-Sisi, the former army chief during the 2013 coup, initially portrayed his ascendency to power as the only way to restore security and end the threat of terrorism. Egypt’s generals have also recognized that they cannot rely only on the promise of restoring security to justify ending of the democratic opening (2011–2013) and their heavy-handed ruling techniques. Therefore, they have also been using a web of alternative narratives to justify their approach and have been spreading these narratives using security-controlled public and private media institutions. Conspiracy theories, defamation campaigns, and hate speech against voices of dissent have assumed central positions in this web. Increasingly, Egypt’s generals have come to depend on notions of religious and nationalistic populism to tighten their grip on many aspects of societal life—under the pretense that they are ruling on behalf of ordinary citizens and attending to their needs.


Author(s):  
Victor Chinedu Eze

The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four hundred and twenty-one (421) issues of selected newspapers were sampled through purposive and critical case sampling techniques. The data were analysed through qualitative and quantitate content analysis. Findings of this research showed that selected newspapers framed the agitation from politi- cal, economic, separatist, human rights, conflict and hate speech frames. Findings also show that media correspondents were the primary frame source for stories on the renewed Biafran agitation. The print media perceived the agitation mainly from human rights crisis where the agitators are deprived of the free- dom to protest and are dehumanised by the Nigerian security operatives; and questioned the government over human rights abuses.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carson Ezell

There are significant geographical disparities in activism throughout the world with respect to supporting the Uyghur cause against human rights abuses in the Xinjiang region of China. This paper introduces the history of Chinese rule of the Xinjiang region and examines the ways in which the Uyghur diaspora has spread. It then explores how geographical, cultural, economic, and religious relationships between Xinjiang and segments of the international community impact attitudes and levels of activism in response to recent developments in Xinjiang, particularly focusing on the weaker responses in the Middle East relative to the rest of the Islamic community. It then proposes recommendations for regional stakeholders in Middle Eastern civil society to encourage greater support for the Uyghur community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-104
Author(s):  
Verena Thomas ◽  
Jackie Kauli

Civil society and human rights defenders in Papua New Guinea have played an important role in bringing about legislative changes with regard to domestic and sorcery accusation related violence in recent years. Their insights in understanding how to address complex issues at the community level when accusations occur have also proven crucial to keeping people safe and providing processes to hold perpetrators accountable. However, the mainstream media has rarely reported on their stories and included their voices in the reporting of sorcery accusation related violence. They have focused on exposing the problem, often by showcasing the horrific nature of some of the crimes related to accusations, instead of further investigating possible solutions. In this paper we explore our work with human rights defenders to capture their experiences around sorcery accusations and violence and provide ways to bring their stories into the mainstream media. In particular, we explore questions around the ethics of representation when it comes to reporting human rights abuses and violence and suggest alternative ways of reporting.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-113
Author(s):  
Nana Tawiah Okyir

This article argues for the strengthening and entrenchment of socio-economic rights provisions in Ghana's jurisprudence. The purpose of this entrenchment is to engender judicial activism in promoting more creative pathways for enforcing socio-economic rights in Ghana. The article traces the development of socio-economic rights in Ghana's jurisprudence, especially the influence of the requirements of the international rights movement, particularly of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The article delves into the constitutional history of Ghana and its impact on the evolution of rights in the country. Of particular historical emphasis is the emergence of socio-economic rights under the Directive Principles of State Policy in the 1979 Constitution. However, the significance of the socio-economic rights only became profound with the return to democratic rule under the 1992 Constitution, again under a distinct chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. However, unlike its counterpart, the chapter on the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, which is directly enforceable, the Directive Principles of State Policy were not. It took the Supreme Court of Ghana a series of landmark decisions until finally, in 2008, it arrived at a presumption of justiciability in respect of all of the provisions in the 1992 Constitution. It is evident that prior to this, the Supreme Court was not willing to apply the same standards of adjudication and enforcement as it ordinarily applies in respect of rights under the chapter on Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. Having surmounted the non-justiciability hurdle, what is left is for the courts to begin to vigorously pursue an agenda that puts socio-economic rights at the centre of Ghana's rights adjudication framework. The article draws on comparative experiences from India and South Africa to showcase the extent of judicial creativity in rights adjudication. In India, the courts have been able to work around provisions restricting the enforcement of Directive Principles by often connecting them to Fundamental Freedoms. In South Africa, there is no hierarchy between civil and political rights on the one hand and socio-economic rights on the other; for that reason, the courts give equal ventilation to both sets of rights. The article further analyses these examples in the light of ongoing constitutional reforms in Ghana. It argues that these reforms fall short of the activism required to propel socio-economic rights adjudication to the forefront in Ghana's jurisprudence. In this regard, the article proposes social movements as a viable tool for socio-economic rights advocacy by recounting its success in previous controversial issues in Ghana. The article also connects this to other important building blocks like building socio-economic rights into a national development blueprint. Overall, the article calls for an imaginative socio-economic rights enforcement approach that is predicated on legislation, judicial activism, social movements and a national development blueprint aimed at delivering a qualitative life for the Ghanaian.


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