scholarly journals WHAT HAPPENED THAT LEAD TO THE WAR IN KOSOVO

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1511-1516
Author(s):  
Plamen Bogdanov

As it is well known, in Kosovo on June 12 the last war in which the country has passed has ended. On this date, NATO troops, called KFOR, have been established in the territory of Kosovo, an international military force that still operates within the territory of the state and is responsible for the security of the Republic of Kosovo, in accordance with United Nations Resolution 1244 United States and based on Kumanovo's technical-military agreement. This military force has the mandate to create and maintain the security of Kosovo's citizens and at the same time to control and oversee Kosovo's borders. It should be noted that this military force has a mandate to operate within the territory of Kosovo, but we must bear in mind that today Kosovo needs immediate access to international security organizations such as Europol and Interpol for reasons of growth (terrorism, human trafficking, international trafficking in narcotics, etc.), as well as in terms of nationality and problems that threaten the globe. Control of the entire territory of Kosovo is a challenge in itself.

Author(s):  
See Seng Tan

This chapter examines extant understandings of sovereignty as responsibility, beginning with the idea of sovereign responsibility as conceptualised by Francis Deng and his collaborators, who contend that sovereignty can no longer be seen as a protection against interference, but as a charge of responsibility where the state is accountable to both domestic and external constituencies. The understanding is foundational to the thinking behind the 2001 International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) report, which introduced the responsibility to protect (R2P) with the aim to popularise the concept of humanitarian intervention and democracy-restoring intervention. Since its endorsement by the United Nations, the R2P has evolved through efforts by the UN and others to enhance, operationalise as well as to implement it in actual crisis situations – with varying degrees of success and in some instances not without controversy. The chapter discusses the relevance of the sovereignty as responsibility idea to Southeast Asia. It also examines the existing academic and policy debate over the R2P and its relevance to international security and sovereign responsibility, as well as its ambivalent reception in Southeast Asia.


1964 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
E. Allan Farnsworth

The Republic of Senegal has embarked upon a project to reform its private law. This fact, of itself, might not seem worthy of the attention of the legal profession in the United States, since Senegal is a country of only about 3,250,000 inhabitants, less than the population of the state of Alabama, covering only 76,000 square miles, less than the area of the state of Kansas, and having a total of exports and imports to the dollar zone of less than twelve million dollars in 1962. With twenty per cent of its population in its six largest cities of more than 30,000 inhabitants, it is the most urban, most literate, and most Europeanized of the francophonic countries of sub-Saharan Africa, but this alone would evoke little interest abroad in its attempts at law reform.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-295
Author(s):  
Keith Allan Clark II

In 1955, Jiang Tingfu, representing the Republic of China (roc), vetoed Mongolia’s entry into the United Nations. In the 26 years the roc represented China in the United Nations, it only cast this one veto. The roc’s veto was a contentious move because Taipei had recognized Mongolia as a sovereign state in 1946. A majority of the world body, including the United States, favored Mongolia’s admission as part of a deal to end the international organization’s deadlocked-admissions problem. The roc’s veto placed it not only in opposition to the United Nations but also its primary benefactor. This article describes the public and private discourse surrounding this event to analyze how roc representatives portrayed the veto and what they thought Mongolian admission to the United Nations represented. It also examines international reactions to Taipei’s claims and veto. It argues that in 1955 Mongolia became a synecdoche for all of China that Taipei claimed to represent, and therefore roc representatives could not acknowledge it as a sovereign state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (31) ◽  
pp. 225-249
Author(s):  
Andrzej Urbanek

In the article, its author attempted to systematize various concepts and approaches to the issue of security by representatives of political liberalism. Political liberalism now sets the main directions of thinking about security in Europe and the United States. Expanding the subjective scope of security, it undoubtedly contributed to the development of various security concepts in which not only the state but other entities become important actors in the international security environment. The article presents the main assumptions of a liberal vision of security, the approach to security by representatives of traditional liberalism and current trends.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1127
Author(s):  
Ida Kurnia ◽  
Alexander Sutomo ◽  
Cliff Geraldio

The State of Timor Leste is an independent and sovereign country in the 21st (twenty-first) century with its official name Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL). Timor-Leste went through a long history to be able to stand alone as an independent country. Prior to the independence of Timor-Leste, it was called East Timor, which was a former colony of the Portuguese which later merged into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. It is recorded in history that integration was formalized on July 17, 1976. Then East Timor officially became the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia and became the youngest province at that time. In history, Timor-Leste was colonized by the Portuguese for 450 years, the Dutch for 3 years, and Indonesia for 24 years. Under the leadership of the United Nations through the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.The establishment of Timor-Leste became a necessary new state on the border, especially with Indonesia. The issue of maritime boundaries between Indonesia and Timor-Leste has not yet been agreed. The method used is normative. Based on UNCLOS 1982, if maritime boundaries are included in the territory of state ownership, the principle used is the principle of equidistance. Second, there is no clear authority within the borders of Indonesia so that the current condition of Indonesia's borders, especially in terms of security, is not conducive. Third, based on Article 3 of UNCLOS, both countries have the right to the width of their territorial sea up to a limit of 12 miles from the baseline, if their territorial seas do not overlap. Negara Timor Leste merupakan negara yang merdeka dan berdaulat pada abad ke-21 (dua puluh satu) dengan nama resminya Democratica de Timor-Leste (RTL) merupakan suatu negara yang tidak terlalu besar yang terletak di Benua Australia dan timur Negara Indonesia. Timor-Leste melewati sejarah yang panjang hingga dapat berdiri sendiri sebagai suatu negara yang merdeka. Sebelum merdekanya Timor-Leste dahulunya disebut Timor-Timur yang merupakan wilayah bekas jajahan Bangsa Portugis yang kemudian bergabung dalam kesatuan Negara Republik Indonesia. Dalam sejarah tercatat bahwa integrasi telah diresmikan pada 17 Juli 1976. Selanjutnya, Timor-Timur resmi menjadi provinsi ke-27 Negara Republik Indonesia  dan menjadi provinsi paling muda di saat itu. Dalam sejarah Timor-Leste d jajah oleh Bangsa Portugis selama 450 tahun, Belanda 3 tahun, dan Indonesia selama 24 tahun. Dibawah pimpinan PBB melalui lembaga.United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor.Berdirinya Timor-Leste menjadi negara baru diperlukan batas wilayah khususnya dengan Indonesia. Pemasalahan batas maritim antara Indonesia dan Timor-Leste sampai saat ini belum ada kesepakatan. Adapun metode yang digunakan adalah normatif. Berdasarkan UNCLOS 1982 apabila batas maritim masuk ke dalam wilayah kedaulatan negara, maka prinsip yang dipergunakan adalah prinsip sama jarak (equidistance). Kedua, tidak adanya wewenang yang jelas dalam pengelolaan perbatasan Indonesia sehingga kondisi perbatasan Indonesia saat ini terutama dari sisi stabilitas keamanan belum kondusif. Ketiga, berdasarkan Pasal 3 UNCLOS kedua negara mempunyai hak atas lebar laut teritorialnya sampai batas 12 mil diukur dari garis pangkal, apabila tidak saling tumpang tindih wilayah laut teritorialnya.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-51
Author(s):  
S. Rusu ◽  
Ion Partachi

Introduction: The article analyzes the basic principles of an ef­fective public administration in the interests of sustainable develop­ment, lists the legislative acts confirming the commitment to these principles. Also, special attention is paid to the state programs for the implementation of the SDGs in the Republic of Moldova, to the special state bodies that are engaged in the implementation of the SDGs and their goals, as well as to the areas in which the Republic of Moldova cooperates with international organizations in relation to the SDGs. At the end of the article, the authors describe the main problems faced by the Government of the country in implementing the Principles of Effective Public Administration in the Interests of Sustainable Development and achieving the Sus­tainable Development Goals.Methods and materials: The research methodology is based on the following general scientific and special methods of cognition: the method of system-structural analysis, comparative, and formal-logical method.The article analyzes the materials and data provided by the national institutes of the Republic of Moldova, as well as the data and materials of international organizations, including: the United Nations, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the World Health Organization, the United Nations Children's Fund, the In­ternational Organization for Migration, the International Labour Organization, etc.Results: As a result of the study, it became clear that the Republic of Moldova is actively working towards the implementation of the principles of effective public administration in the interests of sustainable development of Moldova. Despite the difficulties faced by the Republic of Moldova, the country still managed to achieve significant results in this area. The documents adopted at the state level contributed to achieving the goals and meeting the main requirements for the pace and quality of economic development in the period up to 2030.By 2030, Moldova is expected to become a country where poverty and corruption are eliminated, inequality is reduced, social inclusion and cohesion are strengthened, so that "no one is left behind", a country where human rights, gender equality and women's empowerment, the rule of law, environmental sustainability and the well-being of the population are respected and promoted.Discussion and conclusions. In its ambition to achieve SDGS, the Republic of Moldova is facing a myriad of challenges. Despite the fact that significant progress was registered, there is still a lot of work to do at all levels of public administration. Moreover, it is also essential to enhance the system for SDGs implementation moni­toring and evaluation. This 2030 Agenda requires a profound change that goes beyond the economic and political situation of the country. Moldova will achieve the key in­dicators of sustainable development and become a favourable country for the life of its citizens if only it will promote economic development policies of the country. 


Author(s):  
Vijay Naidu

The Republic of Fiji is a small archipelagic state of less than a million people in the southwest Pacific. It has a relatively minuscule military force in global terms but is the largest among the island states of Oceania. The size of the Republic (formerly “Royal”) Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) in the early 21st century is due to its role in peacekeeping for the United Nations. The Fijian military became entangled in Fiji politics having usurped political power on four separate occasions in the last 30 years, and it can be unequivocally said that there has been a militarization of politics. At first, the military’s involvement in national politics was on the behest of defeated politicians but, 30 years later, the military itself has become a major political player. This is most evident by the fact that former military commanders and coup. The military has becoming a powerful player in Fiji politics has occurred in haphazard but overwhelming ways. Fiji politics has an ever-present “elephant in the room” which is the RFMF.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 583-586
Author(s):  
Mark A. Chinen

Plaintiff bank, incorporated under the laws of the state of Hawaii, brought an action in the United States District Court for the District of Hawaii against defendants, residents and citizens of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI). One of the defendants, Imata Kabua, moved to dismiss the complaint for lack of subject matter jurisdiction on the ground that diversity of citizenship did not exist because defendants were not citizens of a “foreign state” within the meaning of 28 U.S.C. §1332(a)(2). The district court (per King, J.) denied the motion and held that diversity jurisdiction exists because the RMI, although technically retaining membership in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI), has de facto become a foreign state.


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