Fiji: The Militarization of Politics in a Small-Island Developing State

Author(s):  
Vijay Naidu

The Republic of Fiji is a small archipelagic state of less than a million people in the southwest Pacific. It has a relatively minuscule military force in global terms but is the largest among the island states of Oceania. The size of the Republic (formerly “Royal”) Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) in the early 21st century is due to its role in peacekeeping for the United Nations. The Fijian military became entangled in Fiji politics having usurped political power on four separate occasions in the last 30 years, and it can be unequivocally said that there has been a militarization of politics. At first, the military’s involvement in national politics was on the behest of defeated politicians but, 30 years later, the military itself has become a major political player. This is most evident by the fact that former military commanders and coup. The military has becoming a powerful player in Fiji politics has occurred in haphazard but overwhelming ways. Fiji politics has an ever-present “elephant in the room” which is the RFMF.

Author(s):  
Rafa Martínez ◽  
Fernando J. Padilla Angulo

During the transition from ancien régime to liberalism that took place in Spain during the first third of the 19th century, the military became a prominent political actor. Many soldiers were members of the country’s first liberal parliament, which in 1812 passed one of the world’s oldest liberal charters, the so-called Constitution of Cádiz. Furthermore, the armed forces fought against the Napoleonic Army’s occupation and, once the Bourbon monarchy was restored, often took arms against the established power. Nineteenth-century Spain was prey to instability due to the struggle between conservative, progressive, liberal, monarchical, and republican factions. It was also a century full of missed opportunities by governments, constitutions, and political regimes, in which the military always played an active role, often a paramount one. Army and navy officers became ministers and heads of government during the central decades of the 19th century, often after a coup. This changed with the establishment of a parliamentary monarchy based on a bipartisan system known as the Restoration (1874–1923). The armed forces were kept away from politics. They focused on their professional activities, thus developing a corporate attitude and an ideological cohesion around a predominantly conservative political stance. Ruling the empire gave the armed forces a huge sphere of influence. Only chief officers were appointed as governors of the Spanish territories in America, Africa, and Asia throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. This went unchanged until 1976, when Spain withdrew from Western Sahara, deemed the country’s last colony. The power accumulated in the overseas territories was often used by the governors to build a political career in metropolitan Spain. Following the end of the Restoration in 1923, the armed forces engaged with the political struggle in full again. After a military-led dictatorship, a frustrated republic, and a fratricidal civil war, a dictatorship was established in 1939 that lasted for almost 40 years: the Francoist regime. Francisco Franco leaned on the military as a repressive force and a legitimacy source for a regime established as a result of a war. After the dictator passed away in 1975, Spain underwent a transition to democracy which was accepted by the armed forces somehow reluctantly, as the coup attempt of 1981 made clear. At that time, the military was the institution that Spanish society trusted the least. It was considered a poorly trained and equipped force. Even its troops’ volume and budget were regarded as excessive. However, the armed forces have undergone an intense process of modernization since the end of 1980s. They have become fully professional, their budget and numbers have been reduced, and they have successfully taken part in European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and United Nations (UN)-led international missions. In the early 21st century, the armed forces are Spain’s second-best valued institution. Far from its formerly interventionist role throughout the 19th century and a good deal of the 20th, Spain’s armed forces in the 21st century have become a state tool and a public administration controlled by democratically elected governments.


Author(s):  
Sofia K. Ledberg

The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is a key political actor in the Chinese state. Together with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Chinese state institutions, it makes up the political foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the early years after the founding of the PRC in 1949, the military played an important role in state consolidation and the management of domestic state affairs, as is expected in a state founded on Leninist principles of organization. Since the reform process, which was initiated in the late 1970s, the political role of the PLA has changed considerably. It has become less involved in domestic politics and increased attention has been directed toward military modernization. Consequently, in the early 21st century, the Chinese military shares many characteristics with the armed forces in noncommunist states. At the same time, the organizational structures, such as the party committee system, the system of political leaders, and political organs, have remained in place. In other words, the politicized structures that were put in place to facilitate the role of the military as a domestic political tool of the CCP, across many sectors of society, are expected to also accommodate modernization, professionalization, and cooperation with foreign militaries on the international arena in postreform China. This points to an interesting discrepancy between form and purpose of the PLA. The role of the military in Chinese politics has thus shifted over the years, and its relationship with the CCP has generally been interpreted as having developed from one marked by symbiosis to one of greater institutional autonomy and independence. Yet these developments should not necessarily be seen as linear or irreversible. Indeed, China of the Xi Jinping era has shown an increased focus on ideology, centralization, and personalized leadership, which already has had consequences for the political control of the Chinese armed forces. Chances are that these trends will affect the role of the PLA in politics even further in the early decades of the 21st century.


Author(s):  
André Luiz Reis da Silva ◽  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa

This research aims to compare the strategic interests and the positioning at the foreign policy level of Brazil and Turkey in the 21st century, considering the rise to power of, respectively, Workers’ Party (PT, in Portuguese) and Justice and Development’s Party (AKP, in Turkish). Methodologically, it was used bibliographical research and analysis of speeches in the General Debate of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 2010 and 2015. It was verified convergence between Brazil and Turkey in themes as the acknowledgment of the multipolarity of the World Order, the necessity of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reform, the importance of the fortification of the global economic governance by G-20 and the compromise with the International Law, with the terrorism combat and with the Humans Right protections. As divergence point, it was verified the debates about the sort of reform to be implemented at the UNSC and some questions involving the Arab Spring, such as the military intervention at Libya in 2011. At last, some themes are more recurrent at one country’s foreign policy than another’s; as topics regarding Central Asia and Middle East, at Turkey’s case, and subjects regarding BRICS and south-american regional integration, at Brazil’s case.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
G M-R Orazaev

The article presents a historiographic review of various Russian translations of two Dagestan historic works - Muhammad AvabiAktashi’s «Derbend-nameh» and Mirza-HaidarVezirov’s «Darband-nama-yijadid» made from the early 18th century to the early 21st century. The author calls attention to the translations, which are still in handwritten form and have not yet been studied by scientists. Particular attention is also paid to those Russian translations that were published in incomplete or full versions. The first Russian translation of the «Book of Derbent» was done by Peter the Great’s companion YusupIzhbulatov in 1726, however, it remained unpublished. Among unpublished translations there are two manuscripts stored in the National Manuscript Center of the Republic of Georgia and the translation done in 1886 or 1887 by the famous Mountain-Jewish scholar I.Sh. Anisimov. The collection of unpublished Russian translations done by the staff of the Dagestan Scientific Institute in the 1930s is stored in the funds of the Scientific Archives of our Institute. The places of their storage in various cities - Petersburg, Moscow, Tbilisi, Makhachkala - are pointed out in the article. Some texts were published by the authors of Russian translations - Abas-Kuli Bakikhanov, Alexandra Kozlova, Maksud Alikhanov-Avarsky, Patimat Alibekova, Magomed-Said Saidov, Amri Shikhsaidov, Alikber Alikberov, Gasan Orazaev. Of particular interest to researchers is the translation of those lists of the «Derbend-nameh», in which there is a preface of Muhammad Avabi Aktashi from Endirei, the author of the historic work «Derbend-Nameh». It should be noted that the translations of this work into Russian were done not only from the Turkic language, in which the «Derbend-nameh» was written, but also from the Arabic language, in which it was presented many times.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Camille Marie Risager Højland, Gert Tinggaard Svendsen

Climate change poses a serious threat to the world, in particular to the Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The organisation Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) represents the SIDS by giving them a voice in the United Nations. We discuss the different aspects of climate change and the role that a small actor like AOSIS plays in protecting the citizens of its member states rather than free ride on larger actors. Which strategies should AOSIS use to encourage an even more ambitious climate policy in the future? We suggest five relevant strategies: 1) Introduction of sanctions in the Paris Agreement, 2) A CO2 tax, 3) Subsidising new green technology, 4) That AOSIS should look for coalition partners, e.g. China, and 5) Even stronger focus on the linkage between climate change and future migration. Employing such strategies may save the SIDS from sinking into the sea and, at the same time, secure the target level from the Paris Agreement.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burns H. Weston

In his recent book The Power of Legitimacy Among Nations, Thomas Franck defines “legitimacy” as it applies to the rules applicable among states. “Legitimacy,” he writes, “is a property of a rule or rule-making institution which itself exerts a pull toward compliance on those addressed normatively because those addressed believe that the rule or institution has come into being and operates in accordance with generally accepted principles of right process.In adopting Resolution 678 of November 29, 1990, implicitly authorizing the use of force against Iraq in response to Iraq’s August 2, 1990 invasion and subsequent occupation of Kuwait, the United Nations Security Council made light of fundamental UN Charter precepts and thereby flirted precariously with “generally accepted principles of right process.” It eschewed direct UN responsibility and accountability for the military force that ultimately was deployed, favoring, instead, a delegated, essentially unilateralist determination and orchestration of world policy, coordinated and controlled almost exclusively by the United States. And, in so doing, it encouraged a too-hasty retreat from the preeminently peaceful and humanitarian purposes and principles of the United Nations. As a consequence, it set a dubious precedent, both for the United Nations as it stands today and for the “new world order” that is claimed for tomorrow.


Author(s):  
Mark Blitz ◽  
J. Michael Hoffpauir

Plato’s political philosophy is the first great theoretical examination of political life and is arguably the core of Plato’s philosophy generally: his most comprehensive and well-known work, the Republic, centers on the basic political question of justice. Among the political issues that Plato explores are the questions of the best and best practicable forms of government (in the Republic and Laws), the scope of political knowledge or political “science” (in the Statesman), and the proper way to evaluate forms of government such as democracy and oligarchy. Plato’s understanding of politics, moreover, goes beyond his presentation in these three dialogues. The Gorgias discusses justice, the Apology presents Socrates’ trial and conviction, and the Crito concerns obedience to the laws. The scope of what Plato discusses under the rubric of politics, moreover, is broader than what we typically include in political studies in the early 21st century. It includes questions such as the relation between political life and philosophical inquiry itself, the meaning of virtues of character and their connection to politics, and the elements and powers of the human soul. The student of Plato’s political philosophy must therefore also study many dialogues that examine specific virtues of character such as courage and moderation that are central in the three political dialogues. The basic issue in understanding Plato is clarifying what he meant in any particular dialogue. This is a difficult matter both because of the depth and subtlety of his understanding and because of the complexity of the dialogue form in which he wrote. For, it is not obvious how to proceed from statements made by particular characters to Plato’s own intention and understanding. Related interpretive issues concern the relationships among Plato’s thirty-five dialogues, and whether the interpreter’s emphasis should be on Plato’s intention, or, rather, on his biographical and historical milieu, or his relevance for contemporary controversies. Some scholars take a developmental approach, such as in Klosko 2006 (cited under Books on Plato’s Political Philosophy), which attributes inconsistencies or anomalies in the thought of Plato to his progress, experiences, or both. Some scholars take a unitary approach, such as in Lewis 1998 (cited under Journal Articles on Plato’s Republic, Statesman, or Laws), which finds a consistency in the thought of Plato. Some scholars employ a literary approach, such as in Klein 1965 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Dialogues Treating the Virtues), which connects an assessment of the drama of a dialogue to its assessment of the argument. And other scholars take an analytic approach, such as in Vlastos 1978 (cited under Books on Plato with Noteworthy Chapters on Plato’s Political Philosophy), which assesses a dialogue with little or no reference to its dramatic elements. See Griswold 1988 (cited under Books with Significant Chapters on Plato’s Overtly Political Dialogues) for more on these debates. Central substantive controversies include matters such as the following: What precisely is Plato’s understanding of the forms of government, of the soul, and of justice and other virtues? Are the virtues linked or disparate? What does Plato mean by connecting virtue and knowledge? How is his understanding of politics connected to his broader discussion of the “good” and of the ideas or forms? These matters have issued in an enormous body of interpretive material: they have been grappled with not only by early-21st-century and earlier scholars, but also by the greatest minds of the ancient, medieval, and modern world.


Author(s):  
Pedro A. G. Dos Santos ◽  
Debora Thomé

Women have been historically excluded from positions of power in Brazil. Since the dawn of republicanism in the late 19th century, the political system has been dominated by men, and two long periods of authoritarianism stunted both the development of a strong women’s movement and the entrance of women into formal politics. Nevertheless, women have always been involved in the political process, and women’s groups have fought for women’s rights since the dawn of the republic. Successful examples include the suffrage movement, women’s movements that helped the return to democracy in the 1980s, and small victories such as domestic violence laws and maintenance of the status quo in the abortion law and reproductive rights. The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century marked the slow increased presence of women in elected positions. The implementation of a gender quota law in 1996 and continued pressure by women politicians, those in the state apparatus, and women’s movements brought the issue of women’s representation to the forefront of debates about democratic development in Brazil. Although women still face strong barriers to enter the electoral arena, developments in the early 21st century such as the strengthening of the quota law show that the political space is slowly opening its doors to women.


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