scholarly journals Challenging Empire

2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-133
Author(s):  
Amr G. E. Sabet

The idea for this book emerged from what the author perceives to be theextraordinary post-cold war circumstances associated with the Americanextremists’ push for empire. Its thesis is simple and straightforward:American unilateralism and militarism have spawned a global social movementagainst such eventualities, giving rise to a new kind of internationalism.The components of this internationalism are threefold: people and socialmovements, governments, and the United Nations (UN). Together, ratheroptimistically or perhaps wishfully, they have come to constitute a “secondsuperpower” capable of challenging this imperial drive (pp. 6 and 257).The book is divided into five chapters. The “Introduction” (chapter 1)presents the thesis and framework of the three-part internationalist perspective.Chapter 2 presents the global social movement as the core componentthat defies war and empire and that exhibits peoples’ power as the foundationof such defiance. The main argument here is that the events of September 11,2001, provided a golden opportunity for the George W. Bush administrationto manipulate and exploit the American people’s fears and shock. Fear,according to Bennis, undermines “not only independence of will, but the verycapacity to think” (p. 31). This was the means by which the neo-conservatives,hijacking state power, were able to carry the American people along,allowing for no serious questioning or opposition. Yet if the United States is ...

2020 ◽  
pp. 110-136
Author(s):  
Alexander Cooley ◽  
Daniel Nexon

The rise of states interesting in altering international order, or with little interest in promoting domestic liberal institutions, broke the post–Cold War “patronage monopoly” enjoyed by the United States and its democratic allies. The emergence of new patrons—including not just Russia and China but also regional powers—allows recipients of international aid to push back against, and attempt to loosen, many of the kinds of conditions and principles demanded by democratic donors. In turn, the possibility of alternative patrons has assisted the rise of illiberal, populist leaders, including within the “core” of the American system. This chapter examines these dynamics regionally, including in Africa and Central America, and in specific countries such as Hungary, the Philippines, Venezuela, and Turkey.


2020 ◽  
pp. 073889422094872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M Weber ◽  
Gerald Schneider

The European Union, the United Nations, and the United States frequently use economic sanctions. This article introduces the EUSANCT Dataset—which amends, merges, and updates some of the most widely used sanctions databases—to trace the evolution of sanctions after the Cold War. The dataset contains case-level and dyadic information on 326 threatened and imposed sanctions by the EU, the UN, and the US. We show that the usage and overall success of sanctions have not grown from 1989 to 2015 and that while the US is the most active sanctioner, the EU and the UN appear more successful.


Author(s):  
Gill Terry D ◽  
Tibori-Szabó Kinga

This chapter examines the 1992-1995 intervention of the United Nations and the United States in Somalia. It sets out the facts and context of the crisis, the positions of the main protagonists (UN, US and Somalia) as well as the reactions of third states and international organisations. The chapter then discusses several questions regarding the legality of the intervention under the jus ad bellum. It first looks at the legal basis of the intervention under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and the place of peace enforcement operations within that framework. It then analyses the types of mandates and their execution in the Somalian operations and lastly, it draws conclusions on the precedential value of the intervention for future UN collective operations.


Author(s):  
Kevin Zhou

Canada is known for its close relations with the United States in the domains of economic affairs, defence and international diplomacy. This arrangement, however, was a product of the great changes brought about by the Second World War. The combination of British decline, Ottawa’s desire to achieve full independence from London, and the looming Soviet threat during the Cold War created a political environment in which Canada had to become closely integrated with the United States both militarily and economically. Canada did so to ensure its survival in the international system. With the exception of a few controversial issues like US involvement in Vietnam (1955) and Iraq (2003) as well as Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD), Ottawa has been Washington’s closest ally since 1945. On numerous occasions like the Korean War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and as recently as the War in Afghanistan and the War Against IS (Islamic State), Canada had provided staunch military and diplomatic support to Washington in its engagements around the globe. In an era of relative peace, stability, and certainty, particularly during the Post-Cold War period and the height of American power from 1991 to 2008, this geopolitical arrangement of continental integration had greatly benefited Canada. This era of benefits, however, is arguably drawing to a close. The Great Recession of 2007-09, the situations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the insistence on pursuing a foreign policy of global primacy despite its significant economic cost, are sending the US down an uncertain path. Due to its close relations and geographical proximity with the US, Canada now faces a hostile international environment that is filled with uncertainty as a result of superpower decline, great power rivalries, environmental degradation, and failed US interventions.


Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen

This chapter examines how, in the post-Cold War era, the United States' alignment with Taiwan and alliance with Japan again have figured prominently among issues affecting U.S.-China security relations. While they are far from being allies, the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) are not enemies either, but rather major economic partners who have also cooperated to some degree in addressing an increasing range of international problems. But there are still security tensions between the two sides over issues such as relations across the Taiwan Strait, and both nations practice coercive diplomacy toward the other, sometimes tacitly, sometimes less so. The chapter considers how the legacies of these Cold War alliances—particularly the U.S.–Taiwan relationship and the U.S.–Japan security treaty—have affected U.S.–China relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Brian Schmidt

This chapter examines some of the competing theories that have been advanced to explain U.S. foreign policy. In trying to explain the foreign policy of the United States, a number of competing theories have been developed by International Relations scholars. Some theories focus on the role of the international system in shaping American foreign policy while others argue that various domestic factors are the driving force. The chapter first considers some of the obstacles to constructing a theory of foreign policy before discussing some of the competing theories of American foreign policy, including defensive realism, offensive realism, liberalism, Marxism, neoclassical realism, and constructivism. The chapter proceeds by reviewing the theoretical debate over the origins of the Cold War and the debate over the most appropriate grand strategy that the United States should follow in the post-Cold War era.


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

Otto von Bismarck famously said that “God has special providence for fools, drunks, and the United States of America.” Divine providence may not have hurt, but it was America’s domestic political institutions that transformed a smattering of British colonies in North America into, first, an independent nation and, then, a global superpower with a network of allies and partners spanning six continents. The United States faced off against the Soviet Union for a half century during the Cold War. But Washington possessed the better institutions, and the stress of the competition caused Moscow’s political system to collapse altogether. In the post–Cold War period that followed, Washington deepened and expanded the Pax Americana, and spread unprecedented levels of global peace, prosperity, and freedom. For the first time since Ancient Rome, a single superpower so overawed any potential competitors that great power rivalry itself came to a temporary halt.


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