scholarly journals U.S. Foreign Policy, Not Islamic Teachings, Account for al-Qaeda’s Draw

2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-151
Author(s):  
Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad ◽  
Alejandro J. Beutel

Recently Michael Scheuer, a former twenty-two-year CIA analyst and headof the agency’s Bin Laden Unit, gave an interview with John Barry of Newsweek.Scheuer observes that a new generation of middle-class, well-educatedMuslims are taking up arms to fight for al-Qaeda. Furthermore, he points outthat the main reason why bin Laden remains at large is because Washingtonrefuses to acknowledge – and tell Americans – that its longstanding policiestoward the Muslim world are the root of the problem. The main quote is:Our leaders say he [bin Laden] and his followers hate us because of whowe are, because we have early primaries in Iowa every four years andallow women in the workplace. That’s nonsense. I don’t think he wouldhave those things in his country. But that’s not why he opposes us. I readbin Laden’s writings and I take him at his word. He and his followers hateus because of specific aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Bin Laden lays themout for anyone to read. Six elements: our unqualified support for Israel;our presence on the Arabian peninsula, which is land they deem holy; ourmilitary presence in other Islamic countries; our support of foreign statesthat oppress Muslims, especially Russia, China and India; our long-termpolicy of keeping oil prices artificially low to the benefit of Western consumersbut the detriment of the Arab people; and our support for Arabtyrannies who will do that.1 (emphasis added)Scheuer’s analysis is supported by opinion polls of the Muslim public.A survey by the Project on International Public Attitudes (PIPA) in April ...

Author(s):  
حسن أحمد إبراهيم

         الملخّصتحاول هذه الدراسة، التي أحسب أنها الأولى من نوعها، أن تقدم مقارنة تحليلية للإرث الفكري للشيخين محمد عبد الوهاب (1703-1791م) في الجزيرة العربية وشاه ولي الله الدهلوي (1703-1761م) في شبه القارة الهندية في إطار واقعهما البيئي. وتخلص إلى أن لفظ "الوهابية الهندية"، الذي ابتدعه بعض المستشرقين لوصف حركة الإصلاح الإسلامي في الهند، والذي يوحي بأن رائدها الدِّهلوي كان مجرد نسخة مطابقة لمعاصره ابن عبد الوهاب، مصطلح غير دقيق، بل لعله خاطئ كليًّا. وذلك لأن دراسة الإرث الفكري لهذين العملاقين تبين بأنهما أسسا في عصر ما قبل الهجمة الإستعمارية على بلاد المسلمين مدرستين متباينتين من حيث التوجه والمحتوى.الكلمات المفتاحية: محمد عبد الوهاب، شاه ولي الله، الإرث الفكري، التجديد الإسلامي. Abstract          This is the first study to provide an analytical comparison of the intellectual legacy of two great scholars Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb (1703-1791) in the Arabian Peninsula and Shah WalÊ Allah DehlawÊ (1703-1761) in the Indian sub-continent in the context of their respective environments. It concludes that the term “Indian Wahhabism”, which was coined by some Orientalists to describe the movement for Islamic reform in India, suggesting that Sheikh DehlawÊ was just a duplicate of contemporary Ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb, is not only inaccurate but completely incorrect. The study of the intellectual legacy of these two luminaries reveals that they both founded, prior to the pre-colonial attack on the Muslim world, two schools different in terms of orientation and content..Keywords: Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-WahhÉb, ShÉh WalÊ Allah DehlawÊ, Intellectual Heritage, Islamic Revival.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brad Blitz

The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.


2006 ◽  
Vol 46 (381) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Haacke

This paper investigates whether changes in oil prices could explain cross-country variations in economic growth. The sample included WANA countries, China and India. The findings indicated bidirectional oil price-economy causality in the WANA region’s oil-exporting countries. In addition, a unidirectional causality running from changing oil prices to growth was found in the WANA region. However, there was no clear oil price-economy causal relationship for non-oil WANA countries, China and India. The study recommended diversification and fuel pricing reforms to create a robust fiscal balanced and sustained economic growth.


1995 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Taylor Gaubatz

This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.


Author(s):  
Ailsa Henderson ◽  
Richard Wyn Jones

For a topic that until recently was presumed not to exist, English nationalism has transformed into an apparently obvious explanation for the Brexit result in England. Subsequent opinion polls have also raised doubts about the extent of continuing English commitment to the union of the United Kingdom itself. Yet, even as Englishness is apparently reshaping Britain’s place in the world and—perhaps—the state itself, it remains poorly understood, in part because of its unfamiliarity. It has long been assumed that nationalism is a feature of political life in the state’s periphery—Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland—but not its English core. Another barrier to understanding bas been the relative lack of public attitudes data with which to explore the nature of English nationalist sentiment.This book draws on data from a survey vehicle—the Future of England Survey—specially established in 2011 to facilitate the exploration of patterns of national identity in England and their political implications. On the basis of these data, Englishness offers new arguments about the nature and effect of English nationalism on British politics, as well as how Britishness operates in different parts of Britain. Crucially, it demonstrates that English nationalism is emphatically not a rejection of Britain and Britishness. Rather, English nationalism combines a sense of grievance about England’s place within the UK with a fierce commitment to a particular vision of Britain’s past, present, and future. Understanding its Janus-faced nature—both England and Britain, as it were—is key not only to understanding English nationalism, but also to understanding the ways in which it is transforming British politics.


2008 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-174
Author(s):  
Michèle Lamont

The future of European Studies in the United States is certainly dim, if one presumes that it will parallel the declining importance of “old, tired Europe” for the United States, and for American foreign policy more specifically.1 Alternatively, it could be viewed in a more positive light if one emphasizes the lasting legacy of the European enlightenment for the United States and for world culture, even while China and India are gaining in global importance.


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