Englishness

Author(s):  
Ailsa Henderson ◽  
Richard Wyn Jones

For a topic that until recently was presumed not to exist, English nationalism has transformed into an apparently obvious explanation for the Brexit result in England. Subsequent opinion polls have also raised doubts about the extent of continuing English commitment to the union of the United Kingdom itself. Yet, even as Englishness is apparently reshaping Britain’s place in the world and—perhaps—the state itself, it remains poorly understood, in part because of its unfamiliarity. It has long been assumed that nationalism is a feature of political life in the state’s periphery—Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland—but not its English core. Another barrier to understanding bas been the relative lack of public attitudes data with which to explore the nature of English nationalist sentiment.This book draws on data from a survey vehicle—the Future of England Survey—specially established in 2011 to facilitate the exploration of patterns of national identity in England and their political implications. On the basis of these data, Englishness offers new arguments about the nature and effect of English nationalism on British politics, as well as how Britishness operates in different parts of Britain. Crucially, it demonstrates that English nationalism is emphatically not a rejection of Britain and Britishness. Rather, English nationalism combines a sense of grievance about England’s place within the UK with a fierce commitment to a particular vision of Britain’s past, present, and future. Understanding its Janus-faced nature—both England and Britain, as it were—is key not only to understanding English nationalism, but also to understanding the ways in which it is transforming British politics.

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ailsa Henderson ◽  
Charlie Jeffery ◽  
Dan Wincott ◽  
Richard Wyn Jones

The Leave majority recorded in England was decisive in determining the UK-wide referendum result. Brexit was made in England. We take this as a prompt to challenge the conventional Anglo-British mindset that animates most studies of ‘British politics’ and has shaped public attitudes research on the United Kingdom. We explore the persistence of distinctive Eurosceptic views in England and their relationship to English national identity prior to the referendum. We then model referendum vote choice using data from the Future of England Survey. Our analysis shows that immigration concerns played a major role in the Brexit referendum, alongside a general willingness to take risks, right-wing views, older age, and English national identity. Therefore, Brexit was not just made in England, but English ness was also a significant driver of the choice for Leave.


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Leruth ◽  
Peter Taylor-Gooby

The 2015 UK General Election campaign was mostly dominated by the issues of immigration, public debt, and income inequality. While most political parties adopted austerity-led programmes in order to reduce the level of public deficit, their stances on immigration vary significantly despite the two main parties converging on a welfare chauvinist frame. This article compares party positions to policy recommendations formulated by participants in a democratic forum as part of the ‘Welfare States Futures: Our Children’s Europe’ project in order to determine whether recent party pledges on immigration are being used by citizens in a large group discussion over the future of welfare policy in the United Kingdom. The analysis shows that while participants are committed to tougher policies in order to reduce existing levels of net migration, most of the policy priorities formulated do not match those of the two mainstream parties (i.e. the Conservative Party and the Labour Party) but rather those of the UK Independence Party (UKIP). It also demonstrates that participants’ individual political preferences do not seem to match their own positions on immigration and that there is little difference between left-leaning and right-leaning voters.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110265
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Nicola Chelotti

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK’s decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Ian Thompson ◽  
Gabrielle Ivinson

Poverty blights the lives of children and young people. Research has consistently shown that the most economically disadvantaged pupils across the United Kingdom (UK) have the poorest educational outcomes and that poverty has a pernicious effect on children’s well-being. However, far less is known about the ways that poverty is differentially experienced for children and young people in schools within the four jurisdictions of the UK. Are there historical, social and cultural factors that make poverty a postcode lottery in terms of quality of schooling in the different parts of the UK? Are successful local interventions context specific as the research evidence seems to suggest or can we learn from particular regions or cities? This introduction points out that anxieties about growing educational inequality in the UK have to be contextualised historically, geographically and in terms of the distinct political and socio-economic landscapes in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamiris Cristhina Resende ◽  
Marco Antonio Catussi Paschoalotto ◽  
Stephen Peckham ◽  
Claudia Souza Passador ◽  
João Luiz Passador

Abstract This paper aims to analyse the coordination and cooperation in Primary Health Care (PHC) measures adopted by the British government against the spread of the COVID-19. PHC is clearly part of the solution founded by governments across the world to fight against the spread of the virus. Data analysis was performed based on coordination, cooperation, and PHC literature crossed with documentary analysis of the situation reports released by the World Health Organisation and documents, guides, speeches and action plans on the official UK government website. The measures adopted by the United Kingdom were analysed in four periods, which helps to explain the courses of action during the pandemic: pre-first case (January 22- January 31, 2020), developing prevention measures (February 1 -February 29, 2020), first Action Plan (March 1- March 23, 2020) and lockdown (March 24-May 6, 2020). Despite the lack of consensus in essential matters such as Brexit, the nations in the United Kingdom are working together with a high level of cooperation and coordination in decision-making during the COVID-19 pandemic.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (21) ◽  
pp. 7296
Author(s):  
Andrea Guati-Rojo ◽  
Christina Demski ◽  
Wouter Poortinga ◽  
Agustin Valera-Medina

Ammonia is gaining popularity around the world due to its advantages as an energy vector over other zero-carbon fuels and has the potential to be a key component for deep decarbonisation of energy systems. However, little is known about public attitudes and concerns about the technology, one of the factors that will determine its successful implementation. This research examined public perception of green ammonia technologies through online surveys conducted in Mexico (n = 563) and the UK (n = 357). The results suggest that most of the participants in the two countries support the development of these technologies, with men being more likely to show support than women. Participants in Mexico and the UK had both negative and neutral associations of ammonia as a chemical, but overall perceptions of green ammonia were surprisingly positive. A multiple regression analysis indicates that support for this technology is highly dependent on the way participants perceive the benefits and the risks of implementing green ammonia as a fuel or for storage in their countries. Perceptions of green ammonia presented in this study must be interpreted cautiously because of the novelty of the concept. Therefore, additional research should be carried out to determine the positive opinion of green ammonia obtained in the research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Wilton ◽  
Erika Bujaki ◽  
Dimitra Klapsa ◽  
Martin Fritzsche ◽  
Ryan Mate ◽  
...  

AbstractSARS-CoV-2 variants with multiple amino acid mutations in the spike protein are emerging in different parts of the world raising concerns on their possible impact on human immune response to the virus and vaccine efficacy against them. Recently, a variant named lineage B.1.1.7 was detected and shown to be rapidly spreading across the UK since November 2020. As surveillance for these SARS-CoV-2 variants of concern (VOCs) becomes critical, we have investigated the use of environmental surveillance (ES) for the rapid detection and quantification of B.1.1.7 viruses in sewage as a way of monitoring its expansion that is independent on the investigation of identified clinical cases. B.1.1.7 mutations in viral sequences from sewage were first identified in a sample collected in London on 10th November 2020 and shown to rapidly increase in frequency to >95% in January 2021, in agreement with clinical data over the same period. We show that ES can provide an early warning of VOCs becoming prevalent in the population and that, as well as B.1.1.7, our method can potentially detect VOCs B.1.351 and P.1, first identified in South Africa and Brazil, respectively, and other viruses also carrying critical spike mutation E484K, known to have an effect on virus antigenicity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Privé

The UK Biobank project is a prospective cohort study with deep genetic and phenotypic data collected on almost 500,000 individuals from across the United Kingdom. Within this dataset, we carefully define 17 distinct ancestry groups from all four corners of the world. Using allele frequencies derived from these global reference groups, we are now able to effectively measure diversity from summary statistics of any genetic dataset. Measuring genetic diversity is an important problem because increasing genetic diversity is key to making new genetic discoveries, while also being a major source of confounding to be aware of in genetics studies.


2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 605-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Örjan Hemström

This study explores differences between Sweden, Finland, the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy regarding public attitudes toward alcohol control policy (measured by a statement that the government has a responsibility to keep down how much people drink). Cross-national representative samples of around 1,000 respondents 18–64 years old in each country were analyzed. A large majority of people in Italy and Sweden (about 75%) supported governmental responsibility for alcohol control. This was the case for 60% in France and for 48% in the UK, whereas in Finland and Germany those who were supportive constituted a minority (38% and 29%). After controlling for social factors in logistic regressions, this pattern was unaltered and clearly significant. The attitude was strongly related to alcohol consumption: in all six countries, non-drinkers and low consumers were most supportive and high consumers least supportive. Limitations of the data and potential explanations of the findings are discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 455-493
Author(s):  
Andrew Boutros

The United Kingdom was one of the first countries in the world to have explicit statutory provisions outlawing bribery, and has had a long-standing legislative framework prohibiting fraud and misconduct in public office. Nevertheless, historically, these laws were rarely used. Following recommendations by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the UK adopted its first comprehensive anti-corruption legislation in the form of the Bribery Act 2010 (“Bribery Act”), which went into force in July 2011. The Bribery Act is now considered arguably one of the most stringent anti-corruption statutes in the world, criminalizing both public and commercial bribery. In recent years, the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) has demonstrated an increased willingness to take a more aggressive approach to enforcing the Bribery Act, as illustrated by the SFO’s deferred prosecution agreement with Rolls Royce Plc in January 2017, which resulted in a record-breaking £497 million settlement.


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