Blackamerican Muslim Scholars and Leaders in New York City

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-88
Author(s):  
Timothy Patrick Daniels

Recent work has drawn attention to the state-led and media-driven discourse of "good" and "bad" Muslims.  It is a flexible discourse, with benchmarks and shifting appraisals, that aims to mold American Muslims into "good" secular Muslims.  Drawing on old Orientalist representations, this American Islamophobic framework strives to produce "good" Blackamerican Muslims through rendering them as invisible, voiceless, or under the control of allies of the U.S. secular power.  The three ethnographic vignettes—a masjid fundraiser, two chaplains, and a political collective—demonstrate that Blackamerican Muslims scholars and leaders are not only disrupting this discursive project, but also undermining negative portrayals of Muslims and Islam more broadly.  In addition, through their practice and discourse, these Blackamerican Muslim figures are formulating an emergent American Muslim religious identity.

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Patrick Daniels

Recent work has drawn attention to the state-led and media-driven discourse of "good" and "bad" Muslims.  It is a flexible discourse, with benchmarks and shifting appraisals, that aims to mold American Muslims into "good" secular Muslims.  Drawing on old Orientalist representations, this American Islamophobic framework strives to produce "good" Blackamerican Muslims through rendering them as invisible, voiceless, or under the control of allies of the U.S. secular power.  The three ethnographic vignettes—a masjid fundraiser, two chaplains, and a political collective—demonstrate that Blackamerican Muslims scholars and leaders are not only disrupting this discursive project, but also undermining negative portrayals of Muslims and Islam more broadly.  In addition, through their practice and discourse, these Blackamerican Muslim figures are formulating an emergent American Muslim religious identity.


Author(s):  
Kelsie Cowman ◽  
Yi Guo ◽  
Liise-anne Pirofski ◽  
David Wong ◽  
Hongkai Bao ◽  
...  

Abstract We partnered with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to treat high-risk, non-admitted COVID-19 patients with bamlanivimab in the Bronx, NY per Emergency Use Authorization criteria. Increasing post-treatment hospitalizations were observed monthly between December 2020-March 2021 in parallel to the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 variants in New York City.


1931 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-251
Author(s):  
Blewett Lee

On September 15, 1930, the State Board of Commerce and Navigation of New Jersey made a ruling that aircraft would not be permitted to land on any New Jersey waters above tidewater within the jurisdiction of the state. The application had been made for permission to operate a five passenger flying boat between Nolan's Point, Lake Hopatcong, a vacation resort, and New York City, and to set off a portion of the lake to make a landing place for the hydroairplane. It was stated that other inland waters in New Jersey were being used for a similar purpose, and the ground of the refusal was that aircraft flying from water constituted a menace to surface navigation. This ruling created considerable newspaper comment and aroused vigorous protest from persons interested in aviation, and by order of October 20, 1930, the ruling was limited to Lake Hopatcong.


Author(s):  
Donald G. Godfrey

This chapter focuses on the Jenkins Television Corporation, founded by C. Francis Jenkins on November 16, 1928, under the laws of the State of Delaware. Jenkins Television combined Jenkins' television and Lee De Forest's radio patents, their technology, and their salable names. It was designed for manufacturing and selling equipment created by the Jenkins Laboratories, and was financed to meet the demands for receivers. This chapter begins with a discussion of Jenkins' relocation of W3XK to Wheaton, Maryland, along with some of the station's program innovations. It also considers Jenkins Television's creation of two television stations, W2XCR in Jersey City and WGBS in New York City; demonstrations of a “flying laboratory” for home transmission of radio movies; and lawsuits that hounded Jenkins and Jenkins Television. Finally, it examines the impact of the stock market collapse in 1929 on Jenkins' companies and the eventual downfall of the Jenkins Television Corporation before reflecting on Jenkins' death in 1934.


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Rogger

The title of the panel at which this paper was originally presented — “Nationalism and the Growth of States”, at the 1960 meeting of the American Historical Association in New York City — suggested a concern with nationalism as a political phenomenon. We were not speaking primarily about love of country, the cultivation of a national style or hatred of the foreigner, but about political convictions, attitudes or movements and their relation to the state. The dilemma of nineteenth-century Russian nationalism, so defined, consists in this — that it could only with difficulty, if at all, view the tsarist state as the embodiment of the national purpose, as the necessary instrument and expression of national goals and values, while the state, for its part, looked upon every autonomous expression of nationalism with fear and suspicion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Kristina Kočan Šalamon

The paper with the title “Public Response to 9/11 in Politics: Patriotism, Fear and Language Issues” examines the immediate responses that emerged in American political administration after the terrorist attacks on 11 September, 2001 in New York City and Washington, D.C. Moreover, the paper analyzes the speech “We Have Seen the State of Our Union” given before the Congress on September 20, 2001, by the former U.S. President George H. W. Bush, showing the prevalent manner of the rhetoric of the then current government administration. Seeking to explain the rhetoric of the politicians after 9/11, the analysis explores several parameters. This kind of rhetoric addressed the issues connected to 9/11, and employed a great deal of patriotism-related words as well as a language that could help instigate fear and paranoia in Americans and their culture.


Author(s):  
Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.

This chapter discovers seventy-two cholera riots in the British Isles during the first thirteen-month cholera wave to strike the region in 1831–2. These show a variety of concerns with one distinctive characteristic that derived from new demands by anatomical schools to supply human cadavers for teaching. Overwhelmingly, the motives behind this cholera hate and violence, however, form a larger pattern seen from Asiatic Russia to New York City: fear of hospitals and the state induced by the belief that elites with physicians as their agents had invented the disease to cull populations of the poor. While impoverished women and children and recent immigrants composed crowds numbering as many as three thousand, the targets of the rioters were cholera vehicles, hospitals, and physicians. It was a class struggle but one which Marx, Engels, and later left-leaning historians have made little attempt to explain or even mention.


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