Potential implications of 'Farm Laws 2020' on rice marketing in India: A discussion

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (Special) ◽  
pp. 221-235
Author(s):  
Biswajit Mondal ◽  
Jaiprakash Bisen ◽  
Suresh Kumar ◽  
Saddam Hossen Majumder ◽  
SK Mishra ◽  
...  

The new farm laws remain a contentious issue in the political debates and discussions from their enactment. Protests are being organised across the country for their repeal. Rice is an important crop, produced and consumed by almost every farmer in India. Hence, the issue lodges an important place in the agriculture canvas of the country. In this context, this articles makes the first attempts to discuss the commodity-specific implications of these laws. In this article, we have provided an elaborate view on the three farm laws enacted in the year 2020 namely (1) The Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020; (2) Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020; and (3) Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020 and discussed their possible implications on rice marketing in India.

2021 ◽  

The current political debates about climate change or the coronavirus pandemic reveal the fundamental controversial nature of expertise in politics and society. The contributions in this volume analyse various facets, actors and dynamics of the current conflicts about knowledge and expertise. In addition to examining the contradictions of expertise in politics, the book discusses the political consequences of its controversial nature, the forms and extent of policy advice, expert conflicts in civil society and culture, and the global dimension of expertise. This special issue also contains a forum including reflections on the role of expertise during the coronavirus pandemic. The volume includes perspectives from sociology, political theory, political science and law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-120
Author(s):  
Piotr Kuligowski

This article presents a conceptual history of representation in the political debates of the Polish émigré community in the period 1832–1846/48. As I argue, while the concept was present in the output of all political environments of the Polish Great Emigration, there were more discrepancies than similarities about how to understand it. As a result of debates about what the Polish diaspora in exile actually was and who had the right to represent it, the concept became a part and parcel of political frays. In this way, the right to use it—and consequently to represent the whole Polish community and Polish nation as well—occupied a central place in the evolution of the concept of representation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 122-142
Author(s):  
Jaakko Kauko

For a decade, Finnish education, claimed to be among the best in the world, has basked in international glory. This reputation is largely due to the country’s success in the Programme for International Student Achievement (PISA), run by the OECD. The aim of this chapter is to critically examine this purported policy success of the Finnish comprehensive school from the perspective of complexity theories. By drawing on different research and statistical data, the chapter critically analyses the extent to which the Finnish comprehensive school can be seen as a success story in terms of performance. Using the well-reported history of the comprehensive school, it teases out the milestones of its development, while pointing to contingencies and path dependencies along the way, which have led to its legitimate position. It also reviews scholarly accounts in contrast to the political debates. Finally, the chapter sums up the complex development of comprehensive education and discusses the question under heated debate: what, if anything, can we learn from it?


Author(s):  
Alice Soares Guimarães

This chapter examines transformations of state–society relations in eighteenth-century Portugal in relation to Enlightened political debates of the time. It also explores how these transformations shaped the relations between Portugal and Brazil in the nineteenth century, the debate about the political form of independent Brazil, and the intra-Brazilian struggles over this form before and after independence. More importantly, it challenges the notion that the Enlightenment was absent from the Portuguese Empire as a result of the rejection of modern ideas by conservative world views and projects. It argues that there was a Luso-Brazilian Enlightenment that was plural and eclectic, supporting both critiques and defences of the absolute power of the king, endorsing simultaneously a secularisation process, the promotion of reason and Roman Catholicism, and fostering not only revolutionary projects but also conservative state reforms.


Author(s):  
Nina Silber

This introduction lays out the book’s central objective: to explore why Americans returned to the Civil War throughout the New Deal years. The Civil War offered a prism for exploring the emotional upheaval people experienced in light of the Depression; the political debates that swirled around the state-building initiatives of the New Deal; and struggles over race and civil rights. Also explored here is the evolution of this book, including personal and familial influences on the author.


Author(s):  
Christopher Dunn

Chapter Five explores social and cultural practices that challenged traditional conventions of gender and sexuality in Brazilian society. In the late 1970s, emergent feminist and gay movements succeeded in expanding the range of leftist political debates to include discussions around gender roles, sexual desire, corporal pleasure, and other issues previously regarded as personal or private and therefore outside the realm of the political. These activists sought to link political repression to diverse forms of sexual repression such as the maintenance of male dominated gender relations, the policing of female sexuality, or the violent suppression of homosexuality. Here the author draws on the alternative press, especially the largest gay journal Lampião da Esquina. He examines here the influential work by performers who subverted gender norms, like former tropicalists Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, the gender-bending troupe Dzi Croquettes, and gay icon Ney Matogrosso. The author also discusses left-wing intellectuals, including former guerillas such as Fernando Gabeira, who sought to redefine notions of masculinity during the final phase of military rule.


Author(s):  
Niall Allsopp

This Introduction highlights the poets’ links with each other and with Hobbes, and their flexible allegiances. It maps out the background to their mutually-informing ideas of sovereignty. Although these ideas were shaped by traditional absolutism, they took an unusual and comparatively secular view of sovereignty as an artificial construct. This view was shaped by traditions of Tacitism, neostoicism, and scepticism, and was sharpened immediately following the civil wars by the political debates of the Cavendish circle in Paris and the Engagement controversy in England. In all these respects, the poets’ views evolved through the influence of, but also a critical dialogue with, Thomas Hobbes. Their artificial view of sovereignty relied on the literary imagination to forge and declare political obligations. The Introduction concludes by reflecting on the methods involved in studying the fashioning of political ideas in poetry.


1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1219-1234 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Woods

The author explores the place of animals in rural politics. Recognising that rurality is socially constructed by its participants, he examines how animals are represented in constructs of the rural and in political debates arising from contests between conflicting constructs. In particular, two case studies are discussed—one concerning an attempt to ban staghunting on public-owned land in Somerset; the other concerning the so-called ‘BSE crisis' in Britain in 1996. In both cases representations of animals are mobilised in support of discourses of rurality and nature and particular political objectives. Yet, although animals are central to these debates, they are also voiceless and powerless and remain marginalised from the political process.


1994 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy McInerney

Jacoby's influential opinion that the Atthidographers were part of the political discourse of the fourth century has been the subject of revision in recent years. His critics have argued that the genre of Atthidography is primarily antiquarian and that to look for partisan political attitudes in the Atthides is a mistake. An examination of the work of Kleidemos, however, reveals a coherent presentation of the Athenian past designed to vindicate the democratic constitution and to demonstrate the close connection between the democracy and Athens' naval power. This emerges most clearly in Kleidemos's treatment of three important democratic heroes: Theseus, Kleisthenes, and Themistokles. By the fourth century, Theseus had already emerged as the most popular Athenian hero. His accomplishments were modeled in part on the deeds of Herakles and were recorded in vase painting and relief sculpture, and on the walls of the Stoa Poikile. Kleidemos presented a distinctive account of Theseus, emphasizing his role in founding the Athenian navy in preparation for the expedition to Krete. Kleidemos portrayed him as a leader capable of defending Athens and making peace with Athens' enemies, first the Kretans and later the Amazons. This is a king in the tradition of Euripides' Theseus in the Suppliants, the ruler of a free and democratic city. The connection between democratic leadership, Athenian might, and the naval power of Athens is also underscored in Kleidemos's handling of Kleisthenes. Again, the information provided by Kleidemos is distinctive, inasmuch as he reports that it was Kleisthenes who was responsible for the system of naukrariai, which he likens to the symmories of the fourth century. Unlike the version of the Ath. Pol., which imagines the Kleisthenic demes replacing the Solonian naukrariai, Kleidemos saw the demes and naukrariai as complementary divisions, the former organizing the state's resources for the upkeep of the navy, and the latter establishing the political basis for the democracy. Themistokles is also given unique treatment. Kleidemos records the anecdote according to which Themistokles was responsible for the Battle of Salamis because he found sufficient money to man the ships when the generals had run out of funds and had ordered the abandonment of the city. He used the disappearance of the gorgoneion of the statue of Athena as an excuse to ransack the baggage of the Athenians and collect enough wealth to pay the fleet. The story is as tendentious as the account in the Ath. Pol., which gives the credit to the Areopagos. Both versions demonstrate how Athens' past had become a battleground in the political debates of the mid-fourth century. Unlike the epitaphios logos with its emphasis on the eternal and unchanging glory of Athens, the "Atthis" of Kleidemos attempted to prove that the greatness of Athens rested historically on three foundations: the heroes of the democracy, the democratic constitution, and the navy.


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