Mad Cows and Hounded Deer: Political Representations of Animals in the British Countryside

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (7) ◽  
pp. 1219-1234 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Woods

The author explores the place of animals in rural politics. Recognising that rurality is socially constructed by its participants, he examines how animals are represented in constructs of the rural and in political debates arising from contests between conflicting constructs. In particular, two case studies are discussed—one concerning an attempt to ban staghunting on public-owned land in Somerset; the other concerning the so-called ‘BSE crisis' in Britain in 1996. In both cases representations of animals are mobilised in support of discourses of rurality and nature and particular political objectives. Yet, although animals are central to these debates, they are also voiceless and powerless and remain marginalised from the political process.

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 652-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Tyson

Abstract From 1998 onwards Indonesia’s reform era (reformasi) has captured the imagination of growing numbers of observers, experts and scholars. Policies of decentralisation and enhanced public participation projects have reawakened old debates surrounding indigenous rights, power and status. This article examines the dilemma of special rights, particularly those related to the political revival of customs and traditions (adat istiadat). Calls for exigent recognition and redistributive rights for particular groups and ‘unique’ village communities frequently take the form of indirect regulatory negotiations and direct struggles for land. Case studies from Sulawesi are therefore used to examine heavily contested processes of decentralisation and local autonomy, which in many respects enable the revival of local adat. Distinctions are made between static and fluid views of adat, between being special by virtue of birthright on the one hand, and becoming indigenous by way of deliberate political intervention and mobilisation on the other.


Significance A range of parties, old and new, are battling for the attention of two broad electoral constituencies, one inclined towards Europe, and the other looking east to Russia. Moscow has a clear interest in its Socialist allies winning, but that outcome is uncertain. Impacts Perceptions that the political process (regardless of victors) is controlled by oligarchs will dampen investor interest. The EU is already concerned about some of its notional allies in government but would prefer a pro-Western to a pro-Moscow government. The longer-term drift, economic and ultimately political, is towards the EU.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 77-81
Author(s):  
Kristen Renwick Monroe ◽  
Rose McDermott

AbstractWhy are differences so political significant? Too often political science discussions of differences assume they are immutable. The attendant implication is that the political divisions attached to these variations—in religion, ethnicity, race, or any of the other dissimilarities that frequently enter political life—are considered rigid and inflexible. This commentary draws on recent work in moral and social psychology and evolutionary biology to suggest that the critical political factor surrounding differences is not their immutability but rather the moral and political salience we accord such differences. Simple experiments in social identity theory—and a conversation with an incensed 12-year old—demonstrate that the psychological process by which differences between people and groups become deemed ethically and politically relevant is totally socially constructed and hence can be restructured in a fashion that leads to more tolerant treatment of those judged different.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1476-1493
Author(s):  
Stephane Bignoux

The aim of this chapter is to analyse young voter engagement in modern Western democracies. Why young voters? Young voters are disengaged from the political process. In order to complete the analysis, the author adapts an engagement model from social media marketing. The adapted model consists of three parts: consumption, contribution, and (co) creation of brand related materials. The author hypothesises that each aspect of the model is related to the other and that all three aspects of the model are positively related to loyalty to the political party brand. The aim of this conceptual adaptation is to investigate a new way to re-engage young voters with the political party brand, thereby strengthening one pillar of modern democracy.


ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
IRFAN SALIM

In the historical development of Islamic knowledge, there was one interesting and unique tradition, i.e. the tradition of writing by giving annotation toward a previous work, and then this annotation was annotated again by another author. The work that became a main source or reference, which was called matn, then was annotated in the farm of syarh, and this syarh, then, was given explanation, which was called hasyiyah or faotnotes to put the sources or detail explanation on main of syarh that were not included in the main text. There was also hamisy in the annotation. The function of hamisy was similar to the hasyiyah. While the hamisy was put in the flanks or borders of the book, the hasyiyah (footnotes) was put on the bottom of pages in a smaller fant of letters. However, if the annotation was considered too long, the other ulama summarize it in the farm of mukhtashar. It seems that these writing systems had been conducted from the fall of Islamic civilization until the twentieth century. One factor that caused this condition was the intellectual ignorance because of various external factors in the political process and political structure in that period so that it influenced the intellectual of some Muslim thinkers at the moment. They viewed that knowledge or science was finished, and what thry could do was to understand what had been inherited by previous generations. kaywords: hasyiyah, syarh, ta'liq  


Author(s):  
Danoye Oguntola Laguda

The interaction between religion and politics has been a subject of debate among scholars of religion, political scientists and sociologists. The arguments have generally been that of total or partial dis-interaction between the two phenomena. To the protagonists, religion should not be corrupted with the tricks, intrigues and challenges of politics. On the other side of the divide, the opinion is that the two institutions should relate to each other for the benefits of humanity. Our observation has shown that the nature of the society is a determinant factor if the relationship should ever be allowed to exist. It has been argued that in homogenous societies, politics and religion can relate to each other as suggested by the protagonists. However, in pluralistic societies like Nigeria, secularism has been suggested as an alternative. In Nigeria, our case study, it is noted that religions have always played significant roles in the political process, policy formulations and their implementation.


Author(s):  
Jack M. Balkin

The cycle of polarization and depolarization affects the political supports for judicial review. When politics is depolarized, politicians tend to let judges handle basic constitutional questions so that politicians can fight over the spoils of everyday politics. Judicial review tends to enforce the values of national political elites, especially against state and local governments. When the country is polarized, however, elite consensus evaporates. Political elites disagree about everything, so judicial review cannot do the same work. Instead, judicial review allows polarized political elites to win victories they can no longer win in the political process. As legislative politics becomes mired in polarization, the judiciary becomes an ever more important venue for achieving policy victories. This increases the urgency and bitterness of partisan fights over judicial appointments. Strong polarization encourages the parties to engage in constitutional hardball to secure ideologically aligned judges and prevent the other party from appointing judges.


2019 ◽  
pp. 175-184
Author(s):  
Aryeh Neier

We can usually protect liberty, dignity, equality, fairness, humanity, and autonomy—that is, fundamental rights—by imposing restraints on power. Variations in resources do not justify differences in protection. On the other hand, resources inevitably limit achievement of economic goals. Difficult choices must often be made when governments consider the redistribution of resources. Moreover, economic goals sometimes conflict with each other. The allocation of resources is at the heart of the political process and should be pursued through that process. It should take place in a manner that enjoys democratic legitimacy. To vindicate fundamental rights, it is necessary to persuade others to uphold universal norms. The redistribution of resources depends on winning the support of those pursuing their own interests and persuading others that, in turn, their interests are being protected. Fundamental rights differ from economic goals and different strategies are needed to secure them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Naji Mohammed Abdullah Al-hatash ◽  
Atheir Nadhim Aljassor

Iraq's relations with neighboring countries before 2003 were marked by a lack of harmony. It is a fierce war towards the east and a southward invasion of its geographical location, along with tensions and stalemate with most other neighboring countries. The fact that the signing of a treaty or an agreement to violate one or the other and under the pretexts and pretexts either from the point of security frail or lack of logical vision of the reality of regional and international from all parties, and that the occupation of Iraq and the overthrow of the political regime in 2003 until the policies of the neighboring countries and Iraq switched to The entire political process.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Yokhanan Manor

Towards the abandonment of the fetishism of depoliticizationThe problem of the politics of administration is generally badly stated. The notion of politicization is opposed to that of depoliticization, without offering a precise definition of the two terms. There is a double origin to this false problem. First, the depoliticization of the administration appears to be dictated by the progress of rationality. Secondly, political circles show a will or an assent to shield public administrators from political debate. One is thus led to conceive of the politicization of administration in a narrow and negative way, a fact which falsifies the discussion of the problem. On the other hand, if one sees politicization as a phenomenon of interpenetration and influence, in both senses, between the administrative and the political sectors of the system, one widens the full significance of the problem and is led to treat it in a positive manner. The three criteria espoused by Caiden and Raphaeli are employed in this analysis, even if they call for serious reservations. The case studies are those of Great Britain, France, and Israel. In the course of the three studies, an inventory is established of both the negative and positive effects of politicization of the administration. The phenomenon appears finally as irreducible. That is why one has to abandon the fetishism of depoliticization in order to become aware or to become conscious again of the intrinsic politicization of the administration, the effects of which are not only baleful.


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