chinese diplomacy
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2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. p80
Author(s):  
Marianna Levtov

Chinese economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping have given China the necessary push for the development and growth of the domestic economy. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under Xi Jinping claims, that the originally planned transformation is completed, and China is ready for achieving new goals, such as first peripherical and, later, global dominance, leadership in manufacturing and technology and probably even the moral benchmark. The PRC presents a new model of global order with its active position as the super nation.Chinese current behaviour on the international stage is the direct illustration of the political thought of Xi Jinping. To understand the main principles and the vision of the PRC under Xi, his principles of diplomacy have been analysed.This paper claims, that the rhetoric of Xi Jinping and his administration is a neo-pragmatic approach, which includes nativism, anti-traditionalism and pragmatism within.The article takes as a case study for the implementation of the Chinese foreign policy the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) member states.Contrarily to the American dominance, China suggests guidance, collaboration with mutual benefits and growth, which involves both sides. “Shift in space” stresses the concrete steps for achieving the “China’s dream” of rejuvenation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Mushfek-Ul- Alam

The research paper focuses investigates the geo-political moves from the Chinese perspective whether there is a possibility for China to succeed in their negotiating acts between Bangladesh and Myanmar, which chronologically provides: a background to find the origin of the problem, clarifies reasons so important as a negotiator in this issue, the possible outcomes of the negotiation process and how it may affect China’s political standing with a series of research questions and problem statement. The researcher primarily denounces the conventional ideas that China only prefers to look after Myanmar’s interest or Sino-Myanmar relationship. Methodology section briefly analyzes the nature of the research and the type of data are used to justify researcher’s alternative views. The researcher demonstrates a comparative picture between Bangladesh and Myanmar in terms of their economic, political and military relationship with China both nations equally from their geo-political standing. Finally, the researcher describes to predict the possible outcomes of the current negotiation process considering Chinese involvement in Humanitarian aspects, steps taken by the Myanmar Military regime in repatriating the Rohingyas, Why does the democratic reform process so necessary for China as a negotiator, What Myanmar must do to regain the trust Rohingya citizens and how the current situation is endangering the Chinese diplomacy or why a worsening scenario between China and Myanmar may arise. All the findings and analysis inherently support the author’s alternative view and duly answer the research questions. Finally, the researcher discussed about the common lessons learned so far from international relations perspective. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. p81
Author(s):  
Marianna Levtov

Chinese economic reforms initiated by Deng Xiaoping have given China the necessary push for the development and growth of the domestic economy. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) under Xi Jinping claims, that the originally planned transformation is completed, and China is ready for achieving new goals, such as first peripherical and, later, global dominance, leadership in manufacturing and technology and probably even the moral benchmark. The PRC presents a new model of global order with its active position as the super nation.Chinese current behaviour on the international stage is the direct illustration of the political thought of Xi Jinping. To understand the main principles and the vision of the PRC under Xi, his principles of diplomacy have been analysed.This paper claims, that the rhetoric of Xi Jinping and his administration is a neo-pragmatic approach, which includes nativism, anti-traditionalism and pragmatism within.The article takes as a case study for the implementation of the Chinese foreign policy the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) member states.Contrarily to the American dominance, China suggests guidance, collaboration with mutual benefits and growth, which involves both sides. “Shift in space” stresses the concrete steps for achieving the “China’s dream” of rejuvenation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-72
Author(s):  
Lucas Gualberto do Nascimento

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), previously known as the Shanghai Five, was formed in June 2001 as a security engagement organization. It is a highly influential organization in the Eurasian continent, and most Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan included - are members of SCO, as well as China. In recent years, the Chinese water diplomacy towards Kazakhstan has advanced in different agreements that are shaping the patterns of water security in Central Asia. The Chinese strategic interest in the development of the scope of the SCO in this region has made Kazakh transboundary water issues to advance in negotiations. However, these agreements have been made in a bilateral scheme, which is considered relatively unequal towards Kazakh interests; therefore, in spite of the Kazakh efforts, the SCO so far has not turned into a water security organization. This paper is going to analyze the current trends in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as the Sino-Kazakh cooperation platform, especially regarding transboundary water resources. From the perspective of the critical geopolitics scholarship and its considerations regarding the concepts of hegemony and zones of influence, the idea that the Sino-Kazakh cooperation has advanced following Chinese interests is going to be defended. In conclusion, this paper states that due to the lack of interest regarding Chinese water diplomacy, and despite of Kazakh efforts, the SCO is not in the near future launching great initiatives regarding water security in the region, reinforcing the Chinese diplomacy of bilateral water agreements. Recebido em 14/04/2021Aprovado em 19/09/2021


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Olzhas Beisenbayev ◽  
◽  
Srikanth Kondapalli ◽  

The "community of common destiny for mankind" is a new concept in Chinese diplomacy, which has been increasingly used in the reports of the Chairman of the Communist Party of China Xi Jinping in the past five years. Given the small number of domestic academic studies dedicated to this concept, the relevance of considering its meaning, motives and implications is increased. Although the fundamental goal and task of the «community of common destiny for mankind» is not clear, and in the system of China's international relations it is considered as an important part of the long-term plan for reforming the global governance system, establishing China as a responsible power and using the period of "strategic opportunities" in the second and third decades of the XXI century. During the escalation of international conflicts, and ongoing financial and economic crisis, the proposed concept has attracted the interest of an international audience, but there are contradictions in its perception among developing countries, also the world’s leading actors. After examining the materials of researchers in the field of China studies and international relations, it is necessary to comprehensively consider the connection of the «community of common destiny for mankind» with other concepts under the foreign policy paradigm of China, also in the context of the transformation of China’s foreign affairs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (199) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Daniel Lemus-Delgado

This article analyzes Chinese diplomacy during the Covid-19 crisis and the struggle for control of narratives aimed at constructing an image of a responsible nation. In this paper I assume that the emergence of COVID-19 represented a critical problem for the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party, forcing the authorities to fight not only to contain the spread of the virus but also to create and maintain a favorable public opinion regarding management of the crisis both nationally and internationally. It is in this context that the Chinese government launched an active diplomacy offensive, presenting itself as a responsible state through both “Wolf Warrior Diplomacy” and “Mask Diplomacy”. Based on Foucault´s approach to the Regime of Truth, I analyze the narratives and activities of the Chinese government and how diplomacy was employed in order to create a truth about the coronavirus outbreak. In addition, I review how social mechanisms and conventions were utilized to emphasize and validate knowledge linked to power systems. I conclude that if the Chinese government has the “truth” as a part of a regime, it both enhances the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and increases its power. At the same time a strong Chinese government is able to devote significant resources to spreading a discourse both nationally and internationally which is purportedly true. The point of the discourse however is to further strengthen the power of the CCP, rather than to achieve global hegemony.


Author(s):  
Yingying Fu

During the period from 2005 to 2015 under the rule of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, China has achieved enormous success not only in the field of economy but also in the political and diplomatic areas. With the Silk Road Economic Belt’s initiative launched by the government of Xi in 2013, China was seeking to find alternatives for different affairs such as the South China Sea, the nuclear issue of North Korea, and Taiwan issues. The emergency of the “Strategic Breakthrough” whose aim is to stabilize the surrounding atmosphere makes it a pressing task for the Chinese diplomacy focused on Eurasia to overhaul the international order.


2021 ◽  
pp. 14-31
Author(s):  
Peter Martin

Just as J. Edgar Hoover molded the modern FBI, Zhou Enlai’s personality and policy choices continue to shape how China’s foreign ministry interacts with the outside world today. This chapter tells the story of how the PRC’s first foreign minister and premier became a revolutionary and shows how his life experiences and beliefs continue to shape Chinese diplomacy. It also explores how the behavior of today’s Chinese diplomats is shaped by memories of “national humiliation” in the decades before the PRC’s founding. For Zhou and many of his contemporaries, communist revolution appeared to offer a way to save their country as well as to remake its society.


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