scholarly journals Coup de Grace: How the Quad is Hastening the Destruction of ASEAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-112
Author(s):  
Quinissa Putrirezhy

The rise of the US-led Quad alliance in 2017 will be a test for ASEAN. Southeast Asia is at the center of a simmering strategic rivalry between the two world superpowers, the US and China. China's meteoric economic ascendence on the global stage has shifted the balance of global power in today's geopolitics. This article seeks to examine the potential of how the Quad may shake the ASEAN's unity and centrality as a result of China's rise. Beijing has expanded its influence throughout Southeast Asia and is by now easily ASEAN's largest trading partner, while at the same time it has aggressively asserted its pseudohistorical irredentist claims in the South China Sea, a vital route for regional trade, creating territorial disputes with some ASEAN member countries. This article found that the geopolitical situation in Southeast Asia is likely to grow more difficult, perhaps affecting Southeast Asia's policy of non-alignment. Some argue that the Quad will bring balance in the Asia Pacific; however, this view will inevitably change if some ASEAN countries in favor of FOIP decide to join the Quad, either formally or informally, and work together to attempt to counterbalance China, which would leave ASEAN itself torn apart.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
A. Dikarev ◽  
A. Lukin

Territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) which involves China and several ASEAN member-states has recently become one of the major threats to international security in Southeast Asia leading to continuous political tensions in the region. It may result not only in a split within ASEAN but also in drawing the non-regional powers into conflict. U.S.A. as the most important of such powers tries to use the existing tensions for strengthening its influence in the region and its stance in confrontation with China. While Moscow has recently made efforts to intensify its presence in Asia, it still does not see the South China Sea region as a foreign policy priority. Generally, it sticks to neutrality on the issue of sovereignty over the disputed islands. At the same time, Russia’s approach to the SCS problem can be characterised by a limited shift towards strengthening support of Beijing’s position. Acting this way Russia wishes to support a strategic partner in order to win its stronger cooperation on other vital issues, such as the problem of Crimea or the US sanctions. This rapprochement should be understood against the background of general international situation characterised by the growing Sino-US confrontation, worsening of relations between Russia and the West, as well as some tendencies in the Asia-Pacific such as the emergence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and the introduction of the concept of the “Indo-Pacific” by Washington and its allies which are seen in both Moscow and Beijing as hostile. Despite the numerous political difficulties and legal problems concerning the SCS, the mutual understanding between Russia and China during the last two decades has been strengthening while both countries were confronted by similar threats and challenges. This naturally pushes the positions of Russia and China closer to each other. Acknowledgements. This article was funded by MGIMO-University, project number 1921-01-02.


Asian Survey ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 572-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheldon W. Simon

This article assesses Southeast Asian views of the US “rebalance,” examining reactions to US military deployments, military assistance to partners, and support for Southeast Asian diplomacy on South China Sea conflicts. Although not ostensibly designed to contain China, the rebalance provides Southeast Asia with hedging options against more assertive PRC actions in the South China Sea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-193
Author(s):  
Muhammad Badaruddin ◽  
Cipto Adiputra Zulham

China faces the threat of oil scarcity which has prompted the country to seek alternative oil sources, one of the disputed South China Sea. This research will discuss the relationship between China's energy needs and efforts to control the South China Sea, describing China's policies (petropolitics) in three approaches, namely diplomacy, military (defense) and economy (business, investment and aid) and policy implementation to realize the interests of controlling oil resources in the South China Sea region. This research uses a descriptive-qualitative method to analyze comprehensively the policy documents and official statements of the Government of China and ASEAN countries and supported by literature studies. The results of this research indicate that of the three approaches, the economic approach such as business and investment by China in Southeast Asia is currently more effective for China to strengthen its position and influence in Southeast Asia and the SCS dispute area and to control the oil in it. Meanwhile, diplomacy and military (defense) approaches use to support this economic approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 329-346
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danang Prawira Hutama

This paper discusses the development of the issue of the South China Sea (SCS), which until now it is still unclear the direction of its resolution, and over time finally got intervention from a third country, such as the United States (US) through Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPS). This is certainly received strong opposition from China that the US action has violated the SCS boundary which is claimed as China's sovereign territory. Indonesia as an ASEAN member country together with other ASEAN countries that claim SCS (Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam) is also working to resolve the SCS problem which is still in the process of discussion and signing of the draft SCS Code of Conduct (CoC) with China.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110145
Author(s):  
Renato Cruz De Castro

This article examines how the ASEAN is managing the quintessential security challenges of the 21st century, particularly China’s emergence as a regional power, its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea, and the US–China strategic rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. As an organization tackling these security concerns, the ASEAN lacks the essential mechanism for conflict resolution, operates through informal diplomacy and moral suasion, and relies on consensus in making decisions. As a result, China has effectively divided the association during the talks on the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea dispute. China is currently formulating with the ASEAN a Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. All the same, China has made sure that any future agreement with the ASEAN imposes no constraints on its expansionist moves in the contested waters, and contains provisions that benefit its interests in the long run. Meanwhile, US–China strategic competition has prompted the ASEAN to think of ways to deal with this potential security threat. However, the association has failed to come up with a common strategy. In conclusion, this article argues that China’s emergence as a regional power, its maritime expansion into the South China Sea, and the US–China geopolitical contest are testing both the capacity and the limits of the ASEAN in resolving these security issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Ligar Yogaswara ◽  
Ligar Yogaswara

This paper analyzes how ASEAN can deal with the haze problem caused by its member countries and then cross their borders so that it becomes a common focus in ASEAN countries. Then ASEAN made an agreement for its member countries with the aim of overcoming the haze problem which was referred to in the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Based on the question of the effectiveness of the agreement, the authors assume that the agreement is considered ineffective in solving the haze problem in the Southeast Asia Region. The reason for this is considered to be due to a set of norms adopted by ASEAN member countries in the ASEAN Way. These norms then make member countries solve problems by adhering to the principles of the ASEAN Way including non-intervention, consensus and so on. Responding to problems in developing countries in ASEAN which tend to prioritize their economy, making environmental problems such as smog tend to be sidelined. Therefore, this paper will explain more about the effectiveness of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in particular to address the haze problem in ASEAN member countries based on the ASEAN way.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wishnu Mahendra Wiswayana

In recent years situation on the South China Sea facing an escalationcondition, especially affected from China maritime activities. That conditionemerged when China put South China Sea territory at China's official map,which called 9/10/11 dashed line or u-shaped line. This paper addresses theIndonesian Government respond about territorial disputes with China'sofficial map on Natuna. The U-shaped line at China's official map actuallybecame challenges for Global Maritime Axis idea and Indonesia foreignpolicy under Jokowi-JK administration.Keyword: Global Maritime Axis, South China Sea, Foreign Policy


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