scholarly journals SNP - LABOUR COALITION: A DREAM OR A REALITY?

2019 ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
D. A. Kozlova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Union Membership ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Internal Interaction

This article is an attempt to analyse the collaboration between the Labour and the Scottish nationalists in the context of the formation of the modern British political agenda. The participants of the British political space, being concerned about the questions of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union, inevitably face a number of challenges, and the problem of their internal interaction remains one of the most significant. Opposition parties are at an impasse: the Brexit negotiations seem as good as paralysed. The Prime Minister is being put in a very difficult position: a motion of no confidence in December, the failure of her proposals for the Brexit deal in January. The ruling conservative party itself is deeply divided. Every now and then there are some calls for a second United Kingdom European Union membership referendum. And in that event, to which extent is the opposotion coalition possible - the Labor Party and the Scottish nationalists? And if so, what are its future prospects?

scholarly journals Covid-19 and labour law in the United Kingdom

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
European Union Member States

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.

scholarly journals The politics of embedding and the right to remain in post-Brexit Britain

Ethnicities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146879682091341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiina Sotkasiira ◽  
Anna Gawlewicz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Union Membership ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Sense Of Security ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The European Union membership referendum (i.e. the Brexit referendum) in the United Kingdom in 2016 triggered a process of introspection among non-British European Union citizens with respect to their right to remain in the United Kingdom, including their right to entry, permanent residence, and access to work and social welfare. Drawing on interview data collected from 42 European Union nationals, namely Finnish and Polish migrants living in Scotland, we explore how European Union migrants’ decision-making and strategies for extending their stay in the United Kingdom, or returning to their country of origin, are shaped by and, in turn, shape their belonging and ties to their current place of residence and across state borders. In particular, we draw on the concept of embedding, which is used in migration studies to explain migration trajectories and decision-making. Our key argument is that more attention needs to be paid to the socio-political context within which migrants negotiate their embedding. To this end, we employ the term ‘politics of embedding’ to highlight the ways in which the embedding of non-British European Union citizens has been politicized and hierarchically structured in the United Kingdom after the Brexit referendum. By illustrating how the context of Brexit has changed how people evaluate their social and other attachments, and how their embedding is differentiated into ‘ties that bind’ and ‘ties that count’, we contribute to the emerging work on migration and Brexit, and specifically to the debate on how the politicization of migration shapes the sense of security on the one hand, and belonging, on the other.

scholarly journals GIBRALTAR AND BREXIT

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-454
Author(s):  
V.V. Pushkareva
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Transition Period ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Territorial Dispute ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union with its overseas possessions returned to the political agenda the territorial dispute between Madrid and London over the Gibraltar semi-enclave. The opposite points of view have collided in the context of Brexit: the UK fundamentally defends its sovereignty over Gibraltar, Spain strives to regain the lost territory, the Gibraltarians want to maintain association with the Kingdom and not break with the European Union, the European Union is not eager to grant Gibraltar a special status, but at the same time is interested in maintaining a preferential financial zone in the South of the Iberian Peninsula. Separate issues of relations between the UK and Spain on the situation of Gibraltar for the transition period were agreed, they are set out in the “4 Memoranda”. The further fate of the territory depends on the UK's deal with the EU. The contracting parties guarantee that the interests of both Spain and Gibraltar are taken into account. Possible options: holding a referendum on the independence of Gibraltar; gaining control of Spain over the strategic objects of Gibraltar as a result of the deal; Gibraltar remains under the sovereignty of the United Kingdom and continues to cooperate with the EU; dual Spanish-British sovereignty will be established over Gibraltar; at the end of Brexit Gibraltar will not cooperate with the EU. But each of the proposed solutions requires certain concessions from the disputing parties. They are not ready to compromise yet. The authorities of Gibraltar, however, are aware that without cooperation with the UK, Spain and the European Union, their further successful state and development is impossible. More favorable conditions, in our opinion, for the Gibraltarians will arise with the accession to the Schengen area and the Customs Union.

scholarly journals Managing differentiated disintegration: Insights from comparative federalism on post-Brexit EU–UK relations

2020 ◽  
pp. 136914812096851
Author(s):  
Andrew Glencross
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Union Membership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Comparative Federalism ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Centripetal Forces ◽  
Stable Outcome ◽  
The Eu

This article applies insights from comparative federalism to analyse different models for managing future EU–UK relations. The argument is that the stability of the EU–UK relationship before as well as after Brexit is best understood by examining the presence of federal safeguards. Drawing on Kelemen, four types of safeguards are identified as the means for balancing centrifugal and centripetal forces. During the United Kingdom’s European Union membership, the strong glue provided by structural and judicial safeguards was undone by the weakness of partisan and socio-cultural ones. However, each post-Brexit scenario is characterised by weaker structural and judicial safeguards. The most stable outcome is an indeterminate Brexit that limits the incentive to politicise sovereignty and identity concerns by ending free movement of people and reducing the saliency of European Union rules. Such stability is nevertheless relative in that, from a comparative perspective, federal-type safeguards were stronger when the United Kingdom was still in the European Union.

scholarly journals Populism in the UK in the context of the contemporary political process

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-84
Author(s):  
O. Skomorohina
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
British Society ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Main Support ◽  
The Uk

The article analyzes the development of populism in the UK. It is found that, in general, the European Union has experienced three «trust crisis» in the EU institutions over the past ten years, which have also had an impact on the emergence of populism in the United Kingdom. The British vote in the brexit referendum in favor of leaving the European Union was an important manifestation of established populist forces in Europe. Using the methods of comparison and case study, the essence and dynamics of the development of populism in the UK are determined, and the degree of influence of populism on modern British domestic policy is determined. The author concludes that the main support for populist politicians comes from people who are «losers from globalization», who are the key electorate of the Conservative party of Great Britain. The current state of development of populist forces in the United Kingdom is based on the appeal of the Conservative party to the key problems of British society: health, climate change, etc. The conclusion about the continuing triumph of populist forces in the UK is based on the victory of the Conservative party in the parliamentary elections in 2019, when the party's leader B. Johnson actively used the populist narrative in the election campaign. The author also concludes that the electorate is shifting away from the populist forces represented by the United Kingdom Independence Party in favor of the Conservative party. This research adds to the previous knowledge about the development of legal populism in the European Union and, in particular, in the UK, and also allows you to form an idea of the role and place of legal populism in modern domestic politics in the UK.

Euratom and Brexit: Could the United Kingdom Maintain One Foot in the European Union? Current Scenarios and Future Prospects of British withdrawal from the EAEC

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Independent Solution ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Energy Community ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.

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