scholarly journals Aristóteles, Hobbes e Habermas

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-103
Author(s):  
Felipe Ribeiro

Resumo O presente trabalho tem por objetivo comparar duas noções diferentes de política, correlatas a duas noções como que simétricas e opostas do que seja a natureza humana, a saber: o conceito aristotétlica de política, e o conceito hobbesiana da mesma. Enquanto a noção teleológica da política aristotélica, segundo a qual a parte é anterior ao todo, o conduzia a tese segundo a qual o homem é naturalmente político, a inflexão materialista-mecanicista da filosofia hobbesiana acabaria por inverter esse quadro: o indivíduo, entendido como conjunto de relações mecânicas torna-se o centro da análise filosófica, e a política passa a ser uma convenção criada pacificar o estado de guerra de todos contra todos. Como interpretar essa transformação do sentido da política? Recorremos a um argumento de Habermas, segundo o qual o conceito hobbesiana de política corresponde ao aparecimento do mercado capitalista, que reifica as relações humanas e subordina a política à busca pelas satisfações materiais individuais. Nesse sentido, mais do que mera opção metodológica, a filosofia de Hobbes ganha o interesse para um diagnóstico de época, de como a política passa a operar com a generalização das relações de mercado.   Abstract The objective of the present work is to compare two different notions of politics correlated to two oppositive notions of what the human nature is: the aristotelian conception of politics, and the hobbesian one. While Aritotle’s theleological notion of politics, that conceives the whole as prior to the parts, made him defend the theses according to which man is by nature a political being, the materialist turn took by hobbesian philosophy would invert this previous scene: the individual, understoond as a compound of mechanical relations, becomes the center of the analisys, and politics becomes a convetion created to pacify the state of war of all against all. What could one say about this transformation of the very notion of politics? We will resort at this point to an argument put foward by Habermas, according to which the hobbesian notion of politics corresponds to the rise of the capitalist market that reifies human relations and subjects politics to the search for invidual material satisfactions. Thus, more than a mere methodological alternative, Hobbes’s political philosophy reveals itself as an epoch diagnosis about the transformation of politics due to the generalization of market relations.

Author(s):  
Shahrough Akhavi

The doctrine of salvation in Islam centers on the community of believers. Contemporary Muslim political philosophy (or, preferably, political theory) covers a broad expanse that brings under its rubric at least two diverse tendencies: an approach that stresses the integration of religion and politics, and an approach that insists on their separation. Advocates of the first approach seem united in their desire for the “Islamization of knowledge,” meaning that the epistemological foundation of understanding and explanation in all areas of life, including all areas of political life, must be “Islamic.” Thus, one needs to speak of an “Islamic anthropology,” an “Islamic sociology,” an “Islamic political science,” and so on. But there is also a distinction that one may make among advocates of this first approach. Moreover, one can say about many, perhaps most, advocates of the first approach that they feel an urgency to apply Islamic law throughout all arenas of society. This article focuses on the Muslim tradition of political philosophy and considers the following themes: the individual and society, the state, and democracy.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Haldane

Let me begin with what should be a reassuring thought, and one that may serve as a corrective to presumptions that sometimes characterize political philosophy. The possibility, which Aquinas and Madison are both concerned with, of wise and virtuous political deliberation resulting in beneficial and stable civil order, no more depends upon possession of aphilosophical theory of the state and of the virtues proper to it, than does the possibility of making good paintings depend upon possession of an aesthetic theory of the nature and value of art.


2021 ◽  

According to the New York Times, Noam Chomsky is the most important intellectual of our time. He has not only revolutionised the theories of language and the human mind, but his concept of human nature has prompted him to fight for freedom and democracy and led to political analyses which concern the role of the state and the function of democracy (among others). The contributions to this book deal with the most important topics of his political work: human nature and the emergence of social institutions the relationship of the individual to the state and the gist of anarchism human rights and the notion of freedom power and resistance <b>With contributions by</b> Robert Barsky, Željko Bošković, Jean Bricmont, Günther Grewendorf, Georg Meggle, Milan Rai, Tom Roeper, Michael Schiffmann and Juan Uriagereka.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chandran Kukathas

The primary concern of this essay is with the question “What is a political community?” This question is important in its own right. Arguably, the main purpose of political philosophy is to provide an account of the nature of political association and, in so doing, to describe the relations that hold between the individual and the state. The question is also important, however, because of its centrality in contemporary debate about liberalism and community.


Author(s):  
Christian Danz

AbstractThis paper analyzes the hitherto neglected political philosophy (Staatsphilosophie) contained in Schelling’s Berlin lectures on the philosophy of mythology and of revelation in the context of the complex and politically charged debates of the German Vormärz period. It will be shown that, in his political philosophy, the Berlin Schelling rejects social contract models of the state and follows conservative theorists who conceive of the state as a collective order that supersedes the individual, while at the same time preserving the freedom of the individual and rejecting religious legitimizations of the state. Schelling’s theory of the state is characterized by its distinctive internal tensions and by its multidimensionality. This complexity of his theory of the state helps to account for the diverse range of receptions and assessments of his political philosophy, both among his contemporaries and by subsequent commentators


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-103
Author(s):  
Caitlyn Bolton

Western liberal political philosophy, which undergirds the conception of the modern nation-state as theorized by European philosophers of liberalism from centuries past, is primarily concerned with the dynamics of rights and responsibilities between the individual and state institutions. In defining these dynamics, some philosophers held an assumption of human nature as inherently inclined toward selfish ends...


Author(s):  
Anna Stilz

This chapter examines Robert Paul Wolff’s arguments in In Defense of Anarchism about state authority and individual autonomy, and how plausible they are for philosophical anarchism. According to Wolff, the authority of the modern state cannot be justified because it conflicts with the autonomy of the individual. The presumptive clash between state authority and individual autonomy that Wolff highlights remains central to the philosophical anarchist critique of the state, a position that has gained prominence—and widespread acceptance—in contemporary political philosophy. The rest of this chapter comments on Wolff’s views in more detail, including those concerning compliance with the state, a state’s right to rule, unanimous direct democracy, and majority rule. It also discusses Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s assertion that persons must remain free in obeying the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet Ş. Çağmar

In this study, we will try to show that human nature can be handled with a political determination in Rousseau. Human nature has always been a controversial subject of political philosophy in the historical process. So much so that in these discussions we can see that human nature, especially with Rousseau, is now treated as something that is shaped and changed separately for each of various processes of history. Therefore we will first focus on how human nature is defined in Rousseau in the state of nature to show that human nature has been subjected to political influence in the historical process. Then we will examine how the human nature takes shape with the civilization leading to the end of the state of nature. Finally, through social contracting, we will focus on how human nature is transformed into a political thing by gaining a new dimension.


2019 ◽  
pp. 208-228
Author(s):  
Rachel Hammersley

Chapter 12 argues that Harrington’s natural philosophy was fundamental to his political philosophy and underpinned his entire programme. Harrington opposed the mechanical understanding of politics and interventionist account of religion advanced by Oxford mathematicians such as John Wilkins. Instead he emphasized the connections between the individual, the state or body politic, and the universe. All three comprised material and philosophical (human and divine) elements. Harrington’s concerns with the foundations and superstructure of the state and with the military, political, and religious aspects of citizenship were born of this view. Understanding these philosophical foundations, and seeing the parallels that Harrington drew between his own ‘political anatomy’ and William Harvey’s work, helps to make sense of the ideas set out in The Mechanics of Nature and the account of Harrington’s illness offered by Aubrey, as well as underlining the unity and cohesion of his thought.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 795-810 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Lamb ◽  
David Morrice

Both Harold Laski and C. B. Macpherson attempted to reconcile elements of liberalism and Marxism in their work. Macpherson offered a clearer and more precise argument about the ways in which capitalist market relations frustrate freedom, equality and the development of the individual. Laski provided a clearer and more consistent account of human nature, which is necessary to sustain such an argument. Macpherson, in turn, reformulated the distinction between negative and positive liberty, which had remained an unresolved problem in Laski's account of human nature. The respective strengths of Laski and Macpherson may be combined to provide a coherent and cogent ideological position.


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