World War I from Local Perspectives: History, Literature and Visual Arts

2015 ◽  
Eikon / Imago ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 341-361
Author(s):  
Marko Vukičević

The aim of this paper is to analyse and compare the visual representation and iconography in works depicting the enemy in Croatian visual arts during World War I. The article encompasses research on unpublished archival sources and contemporaneaous press. The works of renowned Croatian artists, who were enlisted or volunteered for frontline duty are analysed, as are the works of art presented to the Croatian general public through graphics, cartoons and caricatures in the then popular press. Comparison of war-themed images shows differences in the visualisation of the enemy. The generally accepted belief that the enemy was visually satanised and ridiculed actually only applies to caricatures and cartoons.


2014 ◽  
pp. 875-900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gojko Malovic

Because of the conflict between the Hungarians and the Serbs in the World War I, several years after its end Serbian public did not put much effort into perceiving and forming impressions of Hungarian cultural achievements. Nonetheless, Yugoslav state institutions, primarily the Ministry of Education (also in charge of cultural affairs), paid close attention to developments in the domain of Hungarian cultural achievements. Serbian public gradually became more interested in Hungarian cultural achievements and contents. It was informed about Hungarian cultural achievements largely through articles in Hungarian newspapers and magazines, above all those specialized in cultural and artistic contents in Hungary, particularly in Budapest, covering the events in the following fields: literature, theater, music and singing, visual arts, film, and radio shows. The Yugoslav (Serbian) press also published articles on Hungarian cultural contents. Many recorded notes, findings, impressions and opinions-predominantly positive ones - of leading Serbian intellectuals, primarily writers, were preserved, which may be viewed as paradigmatic Serbian interpretations of many segments of Hungarian cultural and artistic events between the two world wars. There were many initiatives by Hungarian cultural figures, as well as by leading Serbian intellectuals, for a closer and more direct contact with Hungarian cultural achievements through visits and presentations of cultural contents by prominent Hungarian writers, actors and theater troupes, singers and choirs, visual artists and other Hungarian cultural and artistic groups in Serbian towns, foremost in Vojvodina, a significant number of which were carried out. Many Serbs became directly acquainted with Hungarian cultural contents and accomplishments between the two world wars by visiting numerous cultural events in Hungary, primarily in Budapest.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.


Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.


Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.


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