scholarly journals Presidential Elections in Moldova and Parliamentary Elections in Romania

Author(s):  
Pavel Kandel ◽  

The topic of the article indicated in the title is considered outside the historical and cultural ties of two neighboring states, which both make them related and at the same time contrast them. Purely external parallels are easy to draw: low turnout and special significance of votes from the diaspora in both cases, high relevance of the topic of government corruption of power in election campaigns, relative failure of the socialists in both elections. Moreover, there is a noticeable mutual training of the elites and the use of each other’s experience. But а concrete analysis shows that the outcome of the elections was decisively influenced by the balance of power in each of these countries. Their outcome is also not identical. In Romania, power will almost certainly be formed without the Social Democratic Party, although it retained the largest faction in parliament. In Moldova, the political cycle is not over yet. Only after the expected early parliamentary elections will it become clear: who, with whom, and on what terms will share the power.

Author(s):  
Charles S. Maier

This chapter examines issues arising from the elections that were held in France, Germany, and Italy in the spring of 1924, asking in particular whether the elections could resolve the political ambiguities persisting in the three countries. It suggests that the presence of important political alternatives could not guarantee that the voting would yield clear decisions. Even where significant majorities or shifts of opinion occurred, the results were not unequivocal in terms of the issues at stake. Choices on the ballot did not parallel real policy alternatives. Superficially decisive victories led merely to coalitions built around opportunity rather than policy. The chapter considers the limits of Benito Mussolini's majority, the setback suffered by the Social Democratic Party (SPD) at the polls, and the coalition between the Radical Socialist Party and the SPD to form the Cartel des Gauches.


2021 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Ella G. Zadorozhnyuk ◽  

In 1998, the Czech Republic underwent a radical shift from the confrontational/conflicted political style of the first half of the 1990s to a pragmatic/consensual style. The leaders of the two largest political parties - the center-left Czech Social Democratic Party and the center-right Civic Democratic Party - signed the Opposition Treaty. From that point, it is possible to describe a new political mechanism that reformed the framework of cooperation between the Social Democrats and the Civil Democrats. These techniques of negotiation appeared again, and in a modified version, after another turning point in Czech political history, when the Action movement of disaffected citizens focusing on pragmatic solutions, made a compromise agreement with the CPCzM in 2011. This style of political decision-making can also be given a more expansive interpretation: it can be seen as a specific feature of the political history of a state located in the heart of Europe, economically prosperous and politically extremely turbulent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 778-792
Author(s):  
Marius Grad ◽  
Claudiu Marian

In the most recent two decades, the political campaigns conducted by the Social Democratic Party in Romania targeted specific groups of voters, with little intention to attract new voters. The reason behind their strategy is that they could secure a relatively constant support of roughly one third of the electorate and so win the popular vote in every election since 2000. However, the 2016 parliamentary elections marked a turning point in this approach and the party used almost exclusively online marketing to organize, streamline and channel its messages. This article seeks to understand why this change occurred although it did not seem to be necessary. This change is more surprising in a context in which the main political competitors were weak and disorganized. Our qualitative analysis aims to identify and explain the main elements that determined this change. It accounts for three main variables: experiential learning, the role of a new party leader and the use of new opportunities.


1989 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Rösslør

The earliest ventures in applied geography and area research were developed during the Weimar Republic. In 1933 the first theoretical study appeared: the central place theory by Walter Christaller. Under National Socialism good research conditions existed for social scientists (at least, those who were not persecuted, exiled, or murdered) who wanted to implement their theories. Law and central planning organizations provided the political and institutional basis for scientific research. Power struggles and conflicts concerning competence between different institutions headed by Hitler, Himmler, and Rosenberg afforded scientists freedom to develop new approaches and conduct research within the control imposed by a central organization. Walter Christaller, who was too old for a university career, worked in such institutions under Himmler. His personal and political biography is imbued with paradoxes: a former member of the Social Democratic Party, he switched to the Nazi Party in 1940, in 1945 to the Communist Party, and once again to the Social Democratic Party in 1959. However, these events merely hint at the complex nature of the political context in which Christaller and other scientists worked from 1933 to 1945. This paper is an attempt to illuminate the ‘reactionary modernism’ of the Nazi State, drawing from archival material and recent historical studies on social science in Germany in the 1930s and 1940s.


Subject Kyrgyzstan's parliamentary elections. Significance Parliamentary elections held on October 4 resulted in victory for the Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), which is aligned with President Almazbek Atambayev. Overall, the poll ended with a strong showing for pro-Russian parties, while the nationalist opposition, split into two competing coalitions (Respublika-Ata Jurt and Butun Kyrgyzstan-Emgek) faired relatively poorly. Impacts The results have provided the president with a chance of building a more coherent majority in parliament. Coalition-building should be easier than in recent past and thus governability should be enhanced. The strong performance of the SDPK and the Kyrgyzstan Party plays into the hands of Russia.


1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 105-147
Author(s):  
C. Earl Edmondson

The riots that took place in Vienna in July, 1927, and the unsuccessful strikes that followed them came to be regarded almost immediately as a turning point in the history of Austria's first republic. In a flash, the Social Democratic Party, which had made the best relative showing in the parliamentary elections in April of that year, was thrown on the defensive, while within a few months the governing anti-socialist groups dominated by the Christian Social Party began to gather their forces for a vigorous political offensive. In the forefront of the anti-socialist drive stood the various paramilitary Heimwehren, which had played a leading role in foiling the nationwide strikes in July. Capitalizing on the widespread fear that the socialist leaders were preparing to wage violent class warfare, the Heimwehr leaders rapidly expanded their provincial organizations and used them as militarized pressure groups. They sought to depict the Heimwehr as a popular movement that would save Austria's traditional social order by enabling—or forcing—the “bourgeois” parliamentarians to stand firm against the socialists.


Subject Public life after local elections. Significance Expectations that public life might get an overdue reform boost have been dashed. The Social Democratic Party (PSD), direct heir of the pre-1989 ruling communists, has enjoyed a major comeback. Having been driven from office by popular anger in 2015, the PSD won a convincing nationwide victory in local elections held in June. With parliamentary elections due by December, the party is now poised to have a central role in shaping Romania's direction. Impacts Restoring political control over the justice system will stimulate corruption which continues to be endemic. Voters are largely pro-Western but demobilised. The economy will suffer as parliament passes pre-election acts that will widen the fiscal deficit.


2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Jun

Public opinion data gathered from the latest surveys on Germany's upcoming parliamentary elections have turned out to be disheartening for the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Without exception, the Social Democrats take second place and lag behind the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) by several percentage points (Fig. 1). Today, only a few months before the next parliamentary election, a repetition of the electoral victory to the extent of 1998 seems to be rather unlikely. We are therefore faced with the perplexing question of how the SPD could arrive at such a disadvantageous position given the historic electoral success of 1998, when the party achieved its second-best result at parliamentary elections since Word War II. Is the SPD powerless against a strong tendency of the German electorate to cast its ballot in favor of the CDU/CSU, which has pervaded almost the entire history of the Federal Republic of Germany and has been described as “a permanent discrimination of the SPD against the CDU/CSU in the competition of parties.” Or is this situation just a snapshot without deeper consequences for the party?


Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak

The article examines the course of the elections to the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, their role and place in the political process of the country. The author argues that pluralism of opinion and multiparty system in the Czech Republic practically confirm their real strength, as evidenced by the participation of many parties in parliamentary elections and the fact, that that nine of them managed to overcome the 5% barrier and to obtain a certain number of deputy mandates. The programs of parliamentary parties are analyzed, their main election slogans and the results they achieved in the elections. Much attention in the article is paid to the winner of this election – the centrist political force – movement "Action of dissatisfied citizens", whose leader was appointed Prime Minister of the Czech Republic. Emphasis is placed on new trends in the political process, which were confirmed during the will of the people. Among them, the author highlights the growing popularity of anti-system (non-traditional) parties. In their election statements, these parties set out to protest the change in the political system of society. Along with this process, the crisis of traditional parties deepened, who were previously members of the governing bodies of the state, but they failed to demonstrate their compliance with voter inquiries, who sought solutions to pressing issues. This is confirmed by the results of traditional Czech parties – Communist Party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which managed to get only 7.76% of the vote of the voters and the leader of the previous elections – the Czech Social Democratic Party, which won the support of only 7.27% of voters, having lost almost 13% of the vote in four years.


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