scholarly journals Politisasi Agenda Keamanan Siber Pada Era Industri 4.0 di Forum Multilateral

POPULIKA ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Hino Samuel Jose
Keyword(s):  
State Actor

Keamanan siber dalam forum multilateral masih mengalami perdebatan dan tantangan hingga saat ini di tahun 2021. Forum multilateral selain menjadi sarana kerjasama bagi para negara untuk mencari solusi bersama juga menjadi ruang untuk para aktor mengedepankan politisasi kepentingan mereka dalam agenda multilateral. Isu strategis dan substantif dari keamanan siber hingga saat ini sudah meluas ke konflik geopolitik sehingga terjadi redefinisi dari alam keamanan siber itu sendiri yang berpengaruh ke forum multilateral. Artikel ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif menggunakan data sekunder untuk menganalisa berbagai sub konteks yang relevan. Artikel ini akan membahas bagaimana politisasi keamanan siber dilakukan di forum multilateral pada era 4.0. Artikel ini juga membahas mengenai peran pemerintah yang diredefinisi oleh kebutuhan akan peran industri dan non-state actor dalam dinamika multilateral untuk agenda keamanan siber.

scholarly journals NGOs and Civil Society: The Politics of Crafting a Civic Welfare Infrastructure in the Hu–Wen Period

2018 ◽  
Vol 237 ◽  
pp. 58-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Howell
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Government Contracts ◽  
Welfare Provision ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Regulatory Changes ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
State Actor ◽  
Service Oriented

AbstractSince 2015 rights-based NGOs, lawyers, feminists and journalists have endured the most stringent crackdown since 1989. Simultaneously the Xi Li administration has pushed forward a series of laws, policies and regulatory changes to enable service-oriented NGOs to apply for government contracts to provide welfare services. This seemingly Janus-like policy of welfarist incorporation can be traced back to the Hu–Wen period, often described as a lacklustre period, despite significant efforts to tackle issues of poverty and inequality. This article argues for a more balanced appraisal of this period by exploring in depth the complex politics underpinning efforts to pluralize welfare provision by involving service-oriented NGOs. It explores three sets of politics influencing this policy process: inter-institutional politics; state/non-state actor politics; and domestic/external politics. Furthermore, it considers processes of gradual institutional change adopted by key political actors to achieve these ends.

scholarly journals COOPERATION BETWEEN THE CZECHOSLOVAK MILITARY AND THE CARPATHIAN SICH TO COUNTERACT SABOTAGE ACTIONS BY POLAND AND HUNGARY AGAINST CARPATHO-UKRAINE (1938–1939)

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
OLEKSANDR PAHIRIA
Keyword(s):  
Auxiliary Function ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Military Cooperation ◽  
Combat Experience ◽  
State Actor ◽  
Hybrid War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Source Of Information ◽  
And Training

The article examines one of the little-studied aspects of the subversive operation of Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, namely the military cooperation between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak Army and security agencies (StOS, gendarmery, state police, and financial guard) in the protection of the borders of the autonomous region against attacks by Polish and Hungarian saboteurs in fall 1938 – early 1939. Drawing on Czech and Polish archival materials, as well as memoirs, the author establishes the role of Czechoslovak officers in the provision of arms, ammunition, and training for the Carpathian Sich units, as well as in their engagement in joint intelligence and counter-sabotage activities in the border areas with Poland and Hungary. Such actions produced a joint Czech-Ukrainian response to the undeclared "hybrid war" waged by Poland and Hungary against Carpatho-Ukraine, which final aim was to establish a common frontier in the Carpathians. Despite its largely secondary (auxiliary) function in this operation, the Carpathian Sich members were able not only to demonstrate efficiency in the fight against Hungarian and Polish militants but at the same time to become a source of information for the Czechoslovak intelligence. From the point of view of the Czechoslovak command's interests, the Carpathian Sich served as a "non-state actor," who was trying to counter-balance the enemy's non-regular formations. The mentioned military cooperation marked the first stage in relations between the Carpathian Sich and the Czechoslovak military that started in the first half of November 1938 and ended in mid-January 1939 with the nomination by Prague of Czech general Lev Prchala as the third minister in the autonomous government of Carpatho-Ukraine. For the Carpathian Sich, the cooperation with the Czechoslovak security agencies produced their first combat experience and served as the source of replenishment of its scarce arsenal. Keywords: Carpatho-Ukraine, Carpathian Sich, sabotage, Poland, Hungary, "Lom" operation.

scholarly journals Layu Sebelum Berkembang: Studi Kasus Kerjasama Sister City Malang dengan Fuqing dalam Komoditas Kedelai

Global Focus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Naufal Fikhri Khairi ◽  
◽  
Amaliya Mulyanor ◽  
Fitria Winda Sari ◽  
Nurul Zhafira
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
City Government ◽  
City Governments ◽  
State Actor ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
Large Production ◽  
Strong Commitment ◽  
The City ◽  
Descriptive Method ◽  
Production Losses

The purpose of this paper is to determine the factors that have stopped the Sister City cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity. Fulfilling the need for imported soybeans is important for Malang, because it is well-known for its many ‘Keripik Tempe’ producers or commonly called ‘IKM Tempe’, so that the potential for Fuqing imported soybean is important to be realized. The study used a qualitative descriptive method, and used the Paradiplomacy Concept and the Sister City Concept in explaining the cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City. The results obtained were the cooperation between sister city Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity which ‘failed’ because soybeans from Fuqing were of lower quality than soybeans imported from United States and had large production losses, so that the IKM Tempe in Malang preferred to use imported United States soybeans and stopped the use of imported Fuqing soybeans. Until now, the two city governments have not been heard meeting to discuss this issue, which makes the city government as a sub-state actor not yet having a strong commitment to this cooperation.

scholarly journals Normative arguments for non-state actor participation in international policymaking processes: Functionalism, neocorporatism or democratic pluralism?

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 920-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naghmeh Nasiritousi ◽  
Mattias Hjerpe ◽  
Karin Bäckstrand
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Single Case ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
State Actor ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Procedural Values

The participation of non-state actors in multilateral institutions is often portrayed as one way of decreasing the perceived legitimacy deficit in global governance. The literature on non-state actors has identified several ways in which these actors can enhance the legitimacy of intergovernmental organisations and global governance arrangements. Three partially competing normative arguments, or rationales, for the inclusion of non-state actors in international policymaking — functionalism, neocorporatism and democratic pluralism — have been identified. Whereas functionalism highlights the contribution of non-state actors to output legitimacy in terms of expertise, neocorporatism emphasises the inclusion of affected interests, and democratic pluralism claims that non-state actors increase input legitimacy through procedural values. These three normative arguments thus offer different understandings of the motives for the inclusion and representation of non-state actors in international negotiations and diplomacy. Through a single case study of United Nations climate diplomacy, we analyse the extent to which the three rationales for non-state actor inclusion are found in views held by state and non-state actors participating in the annual United Nations climate change conferences. Our results show that different actor groups place varying degrees of emphasis on the different rationales for non-state actor inclusion, even though the neocorporatist rationale remains most favoured overall. We discuss the implications of our findings for the democratic legitimacy of increasing participation of non-state actors in intergovernmental affairs and recent trends in the participation of non-state actors in the international climate change policymaking process.

State Actor Dynamics in Brunei’s Healthcare Policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Syazana Fauzi
Keyword(s):  
Medical Ethics ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
World Health Organisation ◽  
The State ◽  
World Health ◽  
Top Down ◽  
The World ◽  
Prevention And Treatment ◽  
State Actor ◽  
State Actors

This study seeks to ascertain the state actor dynamics in Brunei’s healthcare policies from the perspectives of an Islamic system of governance, by first identifying the state actors, or institutions, involved in influencing, formulating and implementing Brunei’s healthcare policies. The ‘IGC Matrix’ is employed to establish the Islamic health ‘sets of expectations’ (SoEs), particularly in terms of prevention and treatment, and medical ethics, primarily derived from the Qur’ān and Prophet Muhammadﷺ’s Sunnah, in order to construct for this study a framework of reference. The SoEs are then compared against Brunei’s healthcare policies and activities to determine how much of the Islamic health SoEs are met. This study reveals that Brunei’s healthcare policies are largely motivated by non-Islamic inspirations, specifically by the World Health Organisation (WHO), but with numerous overlaps with Islamic demands. In other words, Brunei’s healthcare policies may be stemmed from a non-Islamic influence, but it does not necessarily mean that they are un-Islamic. And most, if not all, of Brunei’s healthcare policies demonstrate a top-down approach, where the state actors play a crucial role in shaping Brunei’s dynamical SoEs.

“Islam and Resistance”: The Uses of Ideology in the Foreign Policy of Hamas

2018 ◽  
pp. 104-126
Author(s):  
Leila Seurat
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
Constitutive Norms ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Actor

Even though Hamas remains a non-state actor tapping into the register of political Islam, the sources of its international practice are fundamentally the same ones organizing the foreign policies of states: defending its interests as perceived by the movement’s leaders and advocating the values and constitutive norms of this politico-religious player’s ideology. This dual observation remains valid even when its foreign policy defines itself both in relation to the occupying power and by interactions with other actors.

Krisis Asia, Kapitalisme dan Negara Kesejahteraan (Tinjauan Analisis Kapitalisme Korea Selatan)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-60
Author(s):  
Herinto Sidik Iriansyah
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
International Monetary Fund ◽  
State Actor ◽  
The International Monetary Fund ◽  
Deep Crisis

Krisis keuangan Asia dimulai pada tahun 1997 dengan ditandai jatuhnya nilai mata uang Thailand (Bath), pada awalnya krisis mata uang kemudian diikuti dengan krisis keuangan pada lembaga-lembaga keuangan non bank yang harus ditutup karena bangkrut. Krisis ekonomi tersebut diikuti dan menjalar ke Korea Selatan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Filipina, Singapura dan negara-negara Asia lainnya. Lembaga-lembaga Internasional bereaksi membantu krisis Asia yang pada awalnya The International Monetary Fund (IMF) setelah diminta bantuan oleh negara-negara Asia memberikan bantuan. Banyak analisis yang diberikan para pakar keuangan, ekonomi dan politik, salah satunya adalah Weiss dan Hobson yang bersangkutan menganalisis bahwa krisis ekonomi Asia penampakan Dua Wajah yakni; wajah eksternal yang berada di wilayah Deep Crisis dan wajah external berada di wilayah ordinary crysis, sedangkan krisis tersebut terjadi dari peran aktor-aktor internasional baik state maupun non state actor. Pendekatan kebijakan sosial yang diterapkan melakukan langkah-langkah welfare state, dengan program-program kesejahteraan yang dijalankan oleh Korea Selatan meliputi reformasi dibidang tenaga kerja, pasar dan keuangan, BUMN dan kebijakan sosial yang aktif untuk memberikan jaminan sosial bagi pengangguran atau bagi mereka yang menjadi miskin di masa reformasi ekonomi nasional. Weiss dan Hobson menyimpulkan bahwa kapitalisme terpimpin (state guided capitalism) merupakan salah satu penyebab terjadinya krisis Asia.

scholarly journals Deterrence: A Security Strategy against Non Traditional Security Threats to Pakistan

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 267-274
Author(s):  
Farzana Zaheer Syed ◽  
Saba Javed
Keyword(s):  
Water Security ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Cyber Threats ◽  
Equal Importance ◽  
The World ◽  
State Actor ◽  
Security Planning ◽  
Internal And External Factors ◽  
Fourth Wave

Deterrence as an approach aims to prevent a non-state actor who is planning to threat and harm a nation state externally and internally. The present study designed to find out that to what extent Deterrence as security strategy is effective against non-traditional threats in Pakistan?, and Whether the deterrence as security strategy remains effective against non-traditional threats of terrorism and cyber threats in Pakistan? The world has redefined and reorganized the security strategies after 9/11terroists attacks. The fourth wave in the deterrence theory has extended the deterrence security concept and added up the non-traditional threats as necessary part in security planning. Non-Traditional threats, terrorism, ambiguous warfare, cyber threats, water security, human security and energy crises etc now have equal importance with the border security. To protect the state from these actors, Pakistan is now reassessing and reorganized its security strategies. But these policies need more deliberate efforts to deal with such internal and external factors that are slowly and constantly weakening the state.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 4, Issue-4: 267-274

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