A legal review of the Acts relating the May 18 Democratic Movement - Focused on the Ministry of National Defense's revised laws after the May 18 Democratic Movement -

Author(s):  
Nam-Jin Kim ◽  
Keun Hwang Bo
Keyword(s):  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 166-177
Author(s):  
Pentti Väänänen

The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).


1986 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-331
Author(s):  
David G. LaFrance

Upon the fall of the long-time Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz in May 1911, the Madero-ledrevolutionary movement found itself with the first opportunity in more than thirty-five years to create a broad-based democratic movement in Mexico. Although his victory was made possible by wide support from the lower class and parts of the middle, Madero proved himself to be philosophically unable to accede to the substantive socio-economic and political reforms they demanded. This attitude, clearly demonstrated during the 1911 interim, led to great dissatisfaction and even outright rebellion. The resulting disillusionment with Madero during these few months severely undermined the viability of his presidency which was eventually cut short by Victoriano Huerta.


2013 ◽  
Vol 131 (6) ◽  
pp. 389-397
Author(s):  
Viviane Cristina dos Santos ◽  
Marcos Bosi Ferraz

CONTEXT AND OBJECTIVES: The Federal Constitution of 1988 allowed the National Congress to contribute towards formulation of new public policies. The objective of this study was to analyze the legislative production that dealt with health issues that was in passage in the National Congress between January 2007 and December 2008. DESIGN AND SETTING: Descriptive-exploratory cross-sectional study with quantitative and qualitative approaches, conducted in a federal university. METHODS: The analysis material for the study comprised 144 draft bills that were classified and subsequently randomly evaluated by 155 professionals working within the healthcare system. RESULTS: The analysis showed that the Workers' Party (PT) and Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) were the parties that presented the largest proportions of the draft bills (12.5% and 11.1%); 25.4% of the draft bills were presented by congress members with academic qualifications within healthcare and only 1.4% of the draft bills became transformed into legal regulations. In questionnaire responses, 51.5% of the evaluators did not consider the draft bills to be viable, 40.6% did not consider them to be relevant and 52.5% said that if the draft bills were not approved it would not be harmful to Brazilian society. CONCLUSION: In analyzing the data from this study, it was noted that the legislative production relating to healthcare was low and the transformation rate from draft bill to legal regulation was negligible. The results from the evaluation showed that the quality of legislative production was impaired.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-380
Author(s):  
Benny Yiu-ting Tai

Bill Moyer observed that there are eight stages in a social movement: seeming normal, exposing injustice, ripening conditions, taking off, losing heart, winning the majority, reaping success and consolidating achievement. For more than 30 years, Hong Kong people have been striving for democracy. Applying Moyer’s model, Hong Kong should be now at a stage close to reaching its ultimate goal of establishing a genuine democratic system in the territory after years of work, especially the triggering event in September 2014 and the occupation during the Umbrella Movement. However, Moyer’s model cannot be mechanically applied to the case of Hong Kong in light of the unique situation faced by Hong Kong people. Hong Kong’s authoritarian sovereign holds the final key to Hong Kong’s door to democracy. Unless there is a significant shift in the balance of powers in the Chinese polity, Hong Kong’s democracy may be so near and yet so far.


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