The Northern Ireland Political Collection at the Linen Hall Library

2001 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-177
Author(s):  
John Gray

Despite the social and political divisions of Northern Ireland, a unique archive of materials documenting the ‘Troubles’ has been established. This article briefly examines how the collection was built up, noting some of the difficulties inherent in this process, and discusses the issues to be resolved in cataloguing and indexing this very diverse collection to maximize access for both academic researchers and the local community.

Author(s):  
James Cooper

The relationship between the United States and the island of Ireland combines nostalgic sentimentality and intervention in the sectarian conflict known as the “Troubles.” Irish migration to the United States remains a celebrated and vital part of the American saga, while Irish American interest—and involvement—in the “Troubles” during the second half of the 20th century was a problematic issue in transatlantic relations and for those seeking to establish a peaceful political consensus on the Irish question. Paradoxically, much of the historiography of American–Irish relations addresses the social, economic, and cultural consequences of the Irish in America, yet the major political issue—namely the United States’ approach to the “Troubles”—has only recently become subject of thorough historiographical inquiry. As much as the Irish have contributed to developments in American history, the American contribution to the Anglo-Irish process, and ultimate peace process, in order to end conflict in Northern Ireland is an example of the peacemaking potential of US foreign policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orla Lynch ◽  
Carmel Joyce

The conflict that played out in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1998 is commonly referred to as the Troubles. Over the course of almost 30 years just under 3,700 people were killed and an estimated 40,000–80,000 injured; it is thought that 80% of the population of Northern Ireland knew someone who had been killed or injured in the violence. The protracted conflict that played out between local communities, the state and paramilitary organisations left a legacy of community division in the region; competing narratives of victimhood emerged and they served to inform intergroup relations. This article will provide a brief overview of the functions of collective victimhood as manifested in the social psychological literature, drawing on the example of the Troubles in Northern Ireland as a case study. In doing so, we will focus particularly on the mobilisation of collective victimhood as both a precursor for involvement in conflict but also as a justification after the event. Additionally, we are interested in the superordinate (broad societal level) re-categorisations of subgroups based on collective identities, including victimhood, and how they can be used as a conflict transformation resource. Ultimately, we will argue that research has tended to overlook how those involved in (as well as those impacted by) the Troubles construct and mobilise victimhood identities, for what purpose and to what end. We argue that in order to understand how collective victimhood is used and to understand the function it serves, both as a precursor for involvement in conflict and as a conflict transformation resource, we need to understand how parties to the conflict, both victims and perpetrators, construct the boundaries of these identity categories, as well as their rhetorical counterpart perpetrators of political violence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Ondřej Pilný

Abstract This article outlines substantial recent transformations in Irish theatre and argues that much contemporary work has been focused on addressing the social and economic turbulences that Ireland has been experiencing by zooming in on the attendant anxieties and fears. It examines this thematic area in conjunction both with theatrical form and with the effect on the spectators, dividing plays and productions into four categories. The first of these includes works that have depicted Ireland and its anxieties by way of allegory; Mark Doherty’s Trad (2004) and Michael West and Corn Exchange’s Freefall (2009) are discussed as examples reflecting different stages of recent Irish history. The second category features works focused on the anxieties of economically marginalised individuals and groups; detailed analysis is provided of ANU Productions’ The Boys of Foley Street (2012) as an instance of radical site-specific theatre that instigates fear in the spectators. Works in the third category centre on gender identity and the anxieties experienced by LGBT individuals; the fictitious docudrama I ♥ Alice ♥ I by Amy Conroy is singled out as an instance of exciting emancipatory theatre. The fourth category is comprised of works dealing with the legacy of the Troubles in Northern Ireland and revolving around the fears and frustrations that concern the future; the recent plays by David Ireland, particularly the dark comedy Cyprus Avenue, are discussed as representative of outlining the indelible effects of nationalism on individual identity and ending on a pessimistic note.


Author(s):  
Marc Mulholland

During the violent years of the Troubles, those political parties that disavowed the lethal violence of paramilitaries—both nationalist and unionist—were generally referred to as ‘the constitutional parties’. In reality, all political actors in Northern Ireland found themselves in a situation where they tried to turn violence to their political advantage. ‘The political parties’ first outlines the different strategies of the ‘moderate’ Ulster Unionist Party and the ‘ultra’ Democratic Unionist Party before considering how nationalism came together to dominate the Catholic electorate in the shape of the Social Democratic and Labour Party. It then discusses the political processes that led to the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-69
Author(s):  
Catherine Kramarczuk Voulgarides

In this article, I explore how the social contract of schooling and the three functions of schooling (Noguera 2003)—to sort, to socialize, and to control— impact and constrain the freedom and agency of a group of young Black and Latinx men in one suburban school district that was experiencing sociodemographic shifts in the Northeastern United States. I use qualitative data to frame how the young men experience schooling, and I show how the local community context facilitates the institutionalization of discriminatory sorting processes and racially prejudiced norms. I also show how the young men are excessively controlled and monitored via zero tolerance disciplinary practices, which effectively constrains their humanity and capacity to freely exist in their school and which inadvertently strengthens the connective tissue between schools and prisons.


Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Paul Burgess

The author contends that throughout the duration of the present conflict in NorthernIreland, the world has been repeatedly given a one-dimensional image of this culture depicting it as mainly a product of ethnicity and also a reflection of class sentiment and lived experience.As drummer and songwriter of Ruefrex, a musical band internationally renowned for its songs about the Troubles conflict in Northern Ireland, Burgess discusses the need to express Protestant cultural traditions and identity through words and music. Citing Weber’s argument that individuals need to understand the world and their environment and that this understanding is influenced by perceptions of world order and attitudes and interpretations of symbolic systems or structures, the author argues that losing the importance of symbolic structures in relation to actual events will result in failure to understand why communities embrace meaning systems that are centrally informed by symbol and ritual. In his mind, rather than seeking to promote an understanding of Protestant or Catholic reality, it is important to speculate how the practice of difference might be used in developing any kind of reality of co-operation and co-ordination


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