scholarly journals LABOUR MIGRATION FLOWS: EU8+2 VS EU-15

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kosta Josifidis ◽  
Novica Supic ◽  
Emilija Beker Pucar

The aim of this paper is to determine whether, and to what extent, the migrations from the EU-8+2 to the EU-15 were motivated by differences in earnings and productivity and to what extent by differences in welfare state generosity during the period of the transitional arrangements. On these grounds, a distinction emerges between “favourable” and “unfavourable” migrations on one hand and immigration net winners and losers on the other hand. The obtained results represent an empirical ground for the discussion on the thesis according to which more generous welfare state regimes will be more susceptible to the influx of unfavourable immigrants during the upcoming period of the free movement of labour, while the less generous welfare state regimes will be a magnet for the favourable immigration influx within the EU-27.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-83
Author(s):  
Hugo Balnaves

Danish legislation has made it increasingly difficult for Danish citizens who have not exercised their free movement (static EU citizens) to have their third country national (TCN) family member(s) reside with them in Denmark under family reunification. On the other hand, EU citizens (mobile EU citizens) who have exercised their free movement and reside in Denmark with their TCN family member(s), have access to far more generous EU family reunification legislation. This article explores the extent to which reverse discrimination effects Danish citizens compared to mobile EU compatriots living in Denmark and how this interacts with EU citizenship rights such as free movement and the fundamental right to family life.


2013 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-345
Author(s):  
Kosta Josifidis ◽  
John Hall ◽  
Valérie Berenger ◽  
Novica Supic

This inquiry considers some effects of migration on the labour markets and the welfare systems found in the EU-15, and from the perspectives of sustainability of the current welfare state regimes. Our inquiry aims to determine whether and to what extent different approaches in regulation of migration flows between the new and old member states are compatible with related economic and demographic findings. Within this context, our research considers regulations affecting migration flows. Our findings suggest that some effects of migration from the EU8+2 on the labour markets and social protection systems found in the EU-15, both with respect to level and structure, do indeed generate effects on migration, especially considering whether migration is based upon economic or welfare decisions. In addition, our inquiry considers perspectives upon restrictive versus liberal migration policies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomi Oinas ◽  
Timo Anttila ◽  
Armi Mustosmäki ◽  
Juoko Nätti

Previous empirical research has pointed out that Nordic countries are distinguished from the rest of Europe in terms of job quality. On the other hand, it has been debated whether, in the longer run, the Nordic welfare state is able to insulate workers from globalization effects. This article investigates whether Nordic countries have retained their advantageous position concerning job quality compared with other EU countries. Empirical analyses are based on the European Working Conditions Survey collected in 1995, 2000, 2005, and 2010. We use data on employees in the 15 member states of the EU prior to enlargement in 2004 (n = 61,457). The results partly confirm previous findings of high job quality in the Nordic countries. However, there are clear differences between Nordic countries. To be precise, Denmark stands out from the rest of Europe and other Nordic countries with its higher level of job quality.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-595 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kosta JOSIFIDIS ◽  
John B. HALL ◽  
Novica SUPIC ◽  
Emilija BEKER PUCAR

This paper examines the nature of changes within the EU–15 welfare states affected by the 2008 crisis. We try to answer the question of whether the differences that exist among different welfare state regimes, according to prevailing welfare state typologies, lead to different responses to the consequences of the crisis. Welfare state regimes are the result of different institutional perceptions of social risks hence it is realistic to expect specific responses to the effects of crisis among different welfare state regimes, and similar responses among the countries that belong to the same welfare state regimes. In order to recognize convergent vs. divergent processes, we perform a comparative analysis of the dynamics of the key welfare state determinants of the EU–15 countries, grouping according to welfare state regimes, in the pre-crisis and crisis periods. The results indicate that institutional rigidity and inherent inertia has remained a key factor of convergent welfare state processes in countries that belong to the Social Democratic and Corporatist welfare state regimes. Deviations from such a course are the most evident in the Mediterranean welfare state regimes, especially in Greece and Portugal where austerity measures have been formulated under the strong influence of the Troika.


Author(s):  
Olof Petersson

In one sense, Sweden follows the general pattern of constitution-making. The major shifts in the constitutional history have occurred in the aftermath of great crises. Constitutions have been important as descriptions and justifications of the prevailing forces of power. On the other hand, the constitutions of Sweden have been relatively insignificant as norms regulating political and public life. Constitutions have been important as history writing but relatively unimportant as normative principles shaping society, and, indeed, profound changes such as the introduction of parliamentary government have taken place without constitutional reform. The Swedish welfare state was built upon negotiations and practical trade-offs rather than constitutional arguments.


Author(s):  
Nils Holtug

Egalitarians disagree about the extent to which states should have open borders. Sometimes, this disagreement is due to a deeper disagreement about the scope of egalitarian justice. Egalitarians holding that equality has domestic scope only may be inclined to favor restrictive immigration policies to protect the welfare state. Egalitarians holding that equality has global scope, on the other hand, may be inclined to support more open borders in order to reduce global inequality. This chapter argues that equality has global scope and then considers the implications of global egalitarianism for the issue of open borders. Furthermore, the chapter provides an argument for why (more) open borders can be expected reduce global inequality. Then some objections to this argument are considered, based on brain drain, threats to welfare states, and in-group bias. Finally, the chapter considers the suggestion that (more) open borders is not the best (or most efficient) way of reducing global inequality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-420
Author(s):  
Catherine Jacqueson

Free movement should in theory enable individuals to fight poverty at home by finding employment in another Member State. Yet, free movement is not always that easy and can in practice lead to social dumping in specific sectors where posted workers ultimately push salaries to the bottom. Such a race to the bottom might also arise outside a free movement context when workers are falsely qualified as self-employed thus undercutting wages. This article argues that EU economic law both creates risks of social dumping and remedies them. It calls for a rebalancing of the liberal ethos of the principle of free movement and competition law on the one hand, and the social objectives of the EU, on the other hand. A key question is whether it is possible to redress the balance between the economic and the social from within the internal market logic or whether the social push has to come from outside.


Author(s):  
Shen Wei

Abstract Inconsistency has been said to be one of the most severe shortcomings the existing investor–State dispute settlement (the ISDS) system possesses. Inconsistency, if not cured, is likely to affect the legitimacy of the ISDS. Partly in response to the claims of inconsistency and illegitimacy of the ISDS, the EU has proposed to have a permanent investment court to replace the ISDS while the US proposed to have an appellate body for the current ISDS along with a large camp of undecided states having no firm position on the ISDS reform. China, on the other hand, has not issued an official response to the concept of a permanent investment court, partially because of its less active role in the use of the existing ISDS. More recent years have witnessed China’s increasing involvement in ISDS cases. The purpose of this article is to review these China BIT-related ISDS cases, in particular, the awards on jurisdiction, and the tribunals’ varying techniques in interpreting the ISDS clauses in China’s BITs with a focus on the jurisprudential analyses of these cases and the tribunals’ treaty interpretive techniques. Not surprisingly, the interpretative tendency has been quite uniform. In brief, the tribunals have tended to be more expansive when they were called upon to determine the jurisdictional issues. Although this article is largely jurisprudential, a sense of the tribunals’ arbitral techniques may help shape some foundational underpinnings for China’s policy response to the proposals to reform the ISDS system made by the EU, the US, and others.


2011 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 64-70
Author(s):  
R. Stupka ◽  
M. Šprysl ◽  
M. Pour

The aim of the study was to analyse the formation of pig belly in relation to sex. The analysis included in total 193 slaughter pigs of final hybrids currently used in the Czech Republic. The pigs were slaughtered at the age of 166–175 days. The VIA method according to the methodology of Schwerdtfeger et al. (1993) was used to evaluate the formation of belly and to estimate the percentage of lean meat. The calculation of the lean meat and its proportion in the belly was based on the equation according to Čítek (2002). The belly in total as well as the EU belly in barrows reached the weight of 7.85 kg and 4.35 kg, respectively, and in gilts 7.66 kg and 4.12 kg, respectively. With almost the same weight of dressed carcasses, the belly in barrows accounted for a higher proportion, i.e. 9.96% compared to 9.56% in gilts. In terms of percentage the gilts had a statistically highly significantly higher proportion of meat in the EU belly, namely by 3.32% compared to barrows. At all points of measurement the higher total area of the belly section was found in barrows compared to gilts. A comparison of the percentage proportion of lean meat area in the total belly area at individual points of measurement indicated statistically significantly higher values in gilts than in barrows. It was confirmed that in the section area from point 1 to point 3 the deposition of fat in barrows was higher with the values of the meat area ranging from 58.15% to 56.09%. On the other hand, in gilts the differences between individual sections were very small: 61.25%, 61.99% and 61.49%.  


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hsi-Ping Chen

The German Law on public procurement remedies, implementing the EU Remedies Directives into national law, has to engage in a balancing act between effective legal protection of bidders and the necessary acceleration of the award procedure. The book develops solutions for conflicts between the abovementioned opposing interests, which are consistent with the pluralistic paradigm of the European legal area, and the standards of assessment of the EU primary substantive law on public procurement. The Europeanisation of the German Law on public procurement remedies is analysed in detail. The work deals with the establishment and improvement of effective legal protection of bidders on the one hand and, on the other hand, shows that the acceleration of the award procedure within the framework of the procedural system is bounded by the rule of law. The book carves out strengths and deficits of the German Law on public procurement remedies.


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