scholarly journals Some Military Consequences of the United Kingdom's Exit from the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-26
Author(s):  
Antonín Novotný ◽  
František Racek

The article deals with some military consequences of the departure of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (Brexit). To assess the potential impacts on defence and security of EU, a structured approach involving several methods was used in the analysis, which combines a search of professional publications, factors sensitivity analysis and testing of hypotheses. Based on the analysis, it was evaluated that the departure of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the structures of the European Union will take place without significant impact in the military field and does not pose an immediate threat to the security and defence of EU member states. Nevertheless, in connection with Brexit, there is still a certain risk of negative impacts in this area.

2020 ◽  
Vol 556 (7) ◽  
pp. 12-17
Author(s):  
Paweł Kaleta

Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (Brexit) has definitely been bringing various consequences in the field of social security. It is therefore worthwhile to analyse it from the point of view of the social rights of Poles residing in the United Kingdom (as well as, in a comparative and auxiliary manner, of the British residing in Poland), following the formal conclusion of the withdrawal. The article therefore synthetically presents this current, post-Brexit situation, taking into account the ongoing transition period as well as the perspective of negotiations on the possible agreement(s) on future EU-UK relations. Notably, the rights in question have been preserved in the transition period, but their status afterwards remains open.


Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
◽  
Carolina Budurina-Goreacii ◽  

The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-805
Author(s):  
Danae Azaria

The CJEU held that the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) is allowed to unilaterally revoke the notification of its intention to withdraw from the European Union (EU) as long as the revocation is submitted in writing to the European Council before the UK's withdrawal takes effect, and as long as the revocation is “unequivocal and unconditional, that is to say that the purpose of that revocation is to confirm the EU membership of the member state concerned under terms that are unchanged as regards its status as a member state, and that revocation brings the withdrawal procedure to an end” (para. 74).


Author(s):  
Lucy Atkinson ◽  
Andrew Blick ◽  
Matt Qvortrup

This book was conceived of and written during a protracted episode of political turmoil. The period of disruption in question was triggered by the use of a democratic device; one which asks members of the public to choose between options with respect to a given decision. It is known as a referendum. This particular popular vote was held on 23 June 2016 across Great Britain, Northern Ireland, and Gibraltar. The ballot paper read: ‘[s]hould the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’ Of those who could have voted (rounded to two decimal places), 72.15 per cent took part and cast valid votes (that is, 33,551,983 of a total of 46,501,241), a higher proportion than at any General Election since 1992 (77.71)....


2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-563
Author(s):  
Jovan Vujičić

In this paper the author analyses the new relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Given the scope and complexity of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the intention was not to explain in detail all its aspects, but only the basic and most important provisions. First of all, those of the free trade agreement, but also in the areas where ties are being renewed, which would otherwise be interrupted by the withdrawal of the United Kingdom. Although it does not reflect the benefits of EU membership, the agreement certainly limits the negative consequences compared to the situation without it and provides much needed predictability and certainty, allowing Europe to leave Brexit behind and move on.


Author(s):  
Radovan Malachta

The paper follows up on the arguments introduced in the author’s article Mutual Trust as a Way to an Unconditional Automatic Recognition of Foreign Judgments. This paper, titled Mutual Trust between the Member States of the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit: Overview discusses, whether there has been a loss of mutual trust between the European Union and the United Kingdom after Brexit. The UK, similarly to EU Member States, has been entrusted with the area of recognition and enforcement of judgements thus far. Should the Member States decrease the level of mutual trust in relation to the UK only because the UK ceased to be part of the EU after 47 years? Practically overnight, more precisely, the day after the transitional period, should the Member States trust the UK less in the light of legislative changes? The article also outlines general possibilities that the UK has regarding which international convention it may accede to. Instead of going into depth, the article presents a basic overview. However, this does not prevent the article to answer, in addition to the questions asked above, how a choice of access to an international convention could affect the level of mutual trust between the UK and EU Member States.


2020 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Balawajder

The subject of the paper is reflections on the consequences of Brexit for the functioning of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The author explains what this border means when the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union, and thus the border may be a barrier to the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. At the same time, it is stressed that the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have a significant impact on the change of the function of this border, which from then on is no longer an internal border of the Union. The aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the consequences of this change, with a simultaneous indication of different models of the UK’s functioning with relation to the European Union and their impact on the British-Irish relations, especially with regard to the various dimensions of the border as a barrier. The article presents various scenarios of solutions that will determine their mutual relations as a result of negotiations between the European Union and Great Britain, especially with regard to access to the single European market, which in turn will be influenced by the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland in the scope of the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The author used the system analysis method and the comparative method. The author puts forward the thesis that if the negotiations cause a fairly strong loosening of relations between the UK and the European Union, to mitigate the consequences of such a situation for the Irish-British relations, it will be necessary to find and develop bilateral solutions that will facilitate border crossing. The Smart Border 2.0 concept can constitute such a solution.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Best

The Product Liability Directive of 1985 (85/374/EEC) (“the Directive”), which sought to harmonise a strict liability regime for defective products across the European Union, has now been implemented into domestic law by all EU member states. In some countries the implementing legislation has been in force for more than 10 years. Nevertheless, until recently, there were few decided cases, both in the United Kingdom and across Europe generally, considering in detail the often critical provisions of articles 6 (definition of defectiveness) and 7(e) (the development risks defence).


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