Transforming Violence to Nonviolence

Author(s):  
Wayne A. Jones

America can be a violent place. This country has a diverse population with a plethora of social problems including a significant level of violence that occurs in families, schools, churches, and other elements of society. Violence results in significant costs to family relationships, crime, health care, social services, education, race, religion and public policy. There have been many high-profile cases of violence especially mass shootings. On June 17, 2015 Dylan Roof, a young white male, fatally wounded 9 people at a church in Charleston, South Carolina. What causes such violent acts? Are males more violent than females? What can be done to address the problem of violence? Violence often leads to more violence. Can a violent act, such as the Charleston shooting result in a transformative experience and outcome where the response offers lessons for a vision for nonviolence?

2019 ◽  
pp. 254-279
Author(s):  
Wayne A. Jones

America can be a violent place. This country has a diverse population with a plethora of social problems including a significant level of violence that occurs in families, schools, churches, and other elements of society. Violence results in significant costs to family relationships, crime, health care, social services, education, race, religion and public policy. There have been many high-profile cases of violence especially mass shootings. On June 17, 2015 Dylan Roof, a young white male, fatally wounded 9 people at a church in Charleston, South Carolina. What causes such violent acts? Are males more violent than females? What can be done to address the problem of violence? Violence often leads to more violence. Can a violent act, such as the Charleston shooting result in a transformative experience and outcome where the response offers lessons for a vision for nonviolence?


Author(s):  
Gwendoline M. Alphonso

Abstract The scholarship on race and political development demonstrates that race has long been embedded in public policy and political institutions. Less noticed in this literature is how family, as a deliberate political institution, is used to further racial goals and policy purposes. This article seeks to fill this gap by tracing the foundations of the political welding of family and race to the slave South in the antebellum period from 1830 to 1860. Utilizing rich testimonial evidence in court cases, I demonstrate how antebellum courts in South Carolina constructed a standard of “domestic affection” from the everyday lives of southerners, which established affection as a natural norm practiced by white male slaveowners in their roles as fathers, husbands, and masters. By constructing and regulating domestic affection to uphold slavery amid the waves of multiple modernizing forces (democratization, advancing market economy, and household egalitarianism), Southern courts in the antebellum period presaged their postbellum role of reconstructing white supremacy in the wake of slavery's demise. In both cases the courts played a formative role in naturalizing family relations in racially specific ways, constructing affection and sexuality, respectively, to anchor the white family as the bulwark of white social and political hegemony.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Dunn ◽  
Moriah Moore ◽  
Brian A. Nosek

In four studies, we demonstrate that subtle linguistic differences in news reporting are sufficient to influence whether people interpret violent acts as patriotism or terrorism. In Study 1, a content analysis of newspaper articles describing violence in Iraq revealed that words implying destruction and devious intent were typically used in reference to violent actions associated with Iraq and opponents of the U.S., while more benign words were used in reference to the U.S. and its allies. These observed differences in word usage establish schemas that guide perception of violence as terrorism or patriotism, thereby affecting people’s attitudes toward (Study 2) and memory for (Studies 3 and 4) violent events. Implications for the media’s impact on public policy are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (87) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Vishtalenko ◽  
◽  
Emma Andreasyan ◽  

Most researchers of socialization processes agree that the primary socialization carried out in the family is crucial. The phenomenon of the family was considered in terms of psychological, sociological, anthropological, philosophical, biological and cultural approaches. Now the question of surrogacy is being studied in terms of the psychology of the life path of the individual; as manifestations of the meaning of life, will, responsibility; as a world of the subjective, where is always something more. Many scientists pay attention to the methodology, organization, functioning of foster families; the problems of lifestyle of orphan children in general, and in particular – in a professionally foster family. Scientists have considered the motivation of the adopted child into the family and some socio-psychological characteristics of parents. However, there are almost no studies of some individual-typological features that dysfunctionally affect family relationships, although these features may be the reason for the denial of the family's ability to be a substitute. The relevance of the study is due to the need of supplement the structural and semantic components of the psychological diagnosis of potential parents in foster families. The empirical study was conducted on the basis of the Odessa Regional Center for Social Services for Families, Children and Youth, a territorial division of the Odessa Regional State Administration. In testing took a part about 30 applicants for foster parents. With the help of Individual-typological questionnaire LM Sobchyk (ITO) there was created an average statistical portrait of candidates for the role of parents in foster families. They are characterized by a high level of extraversion (48.6%); average level of rigidity (82.9%), aggression (54.3%), anxiety (82.9%), introversion (71.5%), lability (74.3%), sensitivity (62.9%), spontaneity (60%). All these qualities positively characterize all members of the sample and confirm their reliability as potential parents in foster families. These conclusions can be used by psychologists in the selection of candidates for the role of foster parents in foster families, as well as in psychological counseling.


2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-544
Author(s):  
Andrew Tettenborn

Apart from the more high-profile questions of public and private international law noted above, Kuwait Airways also raised some nice issues about the often enigmatic English tort of conversion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-64
Author(s):  
Anna Heyman

This article draws on in-depth qualitative interviews with ten practitioners who specialise in working with young carers, to examine how members of the emerging profession of ‘young carers’ worker’ view their partnerships with social services. It focuses particularly on one case study area (Town Z), where partnerships between social services and the voluntary sector around young carers were relatively highly developed. It explores the practitioners’ comments about the impact of their organisations’ partnerships with social services on their work. This is done in the context of their conceptualisations of care and family relationships. In particular, the themes of identifying young carers and working with the family as a whole are discussed, and young carers’ workers views are compared to the conceptualisations that come across in literature from both disability studies and social work perspectives. It is concluded that young carers’ workers conceptualisations of care and disability do differ markedly from the perspectives that appear to dominate both social work theory and practice, and that this impacting on how the former view their partnerships with the latter.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela C. Browne

AbstractOne of the crucial issues in the evolution of the welfare state is the preferred means of funding and providing social services. In the absence of a federally-funded and centrally-administered child day care programme in the United States, a variety of services and programmes have evolved. Public policy which seeks to encourage service diversity must consider the ability of social service consumers to afford, select or utilize services of quality, or to demand quality from service providers. This study compares child day care services provided under different auspices — public (state and municipal), quasi-public (military), quasi-private (employer-sponsored), non-profit and private proprietary. Consumer ratings of the day care programmes provided under six different auspices are compared to a research assessment of the same six programmes. The data indicate a tendency among consumers to be inattentive regarding the basic elements of care and to overestimate the quality of care. If we accept the view that consumer choice is desirable on procedural grounds (a desirable freedom), then the findings of this study suggest that public policy should strive to enhance the effectiveness of consumer choice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 267-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Turchan ◽  
April M. Zeoli ◽  
Christine Kwiatkowski

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Brown ◽  
Paul Callister ◽  
Kristie Carter ◽  
Ralf Engler

Public policy discussions involving ethnicity often assume that people remain in fixed ethnic categories over their lifecycles. While New Zealand research carried out a decade ago had already identified ethnic mobility in the census in relation to Māori, the dramatic and somewhat unexpected increase in ‘New Zealander’- type responses in the 2006 census provided a very high profile example of people changing their responses to ethnicity questions. Research into the growth of New Zealander-type responses in the census has focused primarily on whether these are valid responses, how they should be recorded and reported on, and how these decisions might affect the overall usefulness of ethnicity data. One question in this research has been where these responses came from: that is, what these people recorded in the previous census. 


Author(s):  
Andrew Diamond

Conceptions of what constitutes a street gang or a youth gang have varied since the seminal sociological studies on these entities in the 1920s. Organizations of teenage youths and young adults in their twenties, congregating in public spaces and acting collectively, were fixtures of everyday life in American cities throughout the 20th century. While few studies historicize gangs in their own right, historians in a range of subfields cast gangs as key actors in critical dimensions of the American urban experience: the formation and defense of ethno-racial identities and communities; the creation and maintenance of segregated metropolitan spaces; the shaping of gender norms and forms of sociability in working-class districts; the structuring of contentious political mobilization challenging police practices and municipal policies; the evolution of underground and informal economies and organized crime activities; and the epidemic of gun violence that spread through minority communities in many major cities at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. Although groups of white youths patrolling the streets of working-class neighborhoods and engaging in acts of defensive localism were commonplace in the urban Northeast, Mid-Atlantic, and Midwest states by the mid-19th century, street gangs exploded onto the urban landscape in the early 20th century as a consequence of massive demographic changes related to the wave of immigration from Europe, Asia, and Latin America and the migration of African Americans from the South. As immigrants and migrants moved into urban working-class neighborhoods and industrial workplaces, street gangs proliferated at the boundaries of ethno-racially defined communities, shaping the context within which immigrant and second-generation youths negotiated Americanization and learned the meanings of race and ethnicity. Although social workers in some cities noted the appearance of some female gangs by the 1930s, the milieu of youth gangs during this era was male dominated, and codes of honor and masculinity were often at stake in increasingly violent clashes over territory and resources like parks and beaches. The interplay of race, ethnicity, and masculinity continued to shape the world of gangs in the 1940s and 1950s, when white male gangs claiming to defend the whiteness of their communities used terror tactics to reinforce the boundaries of ghettos and barrios in many cities. Such aggressions spurred the formation of fighting gangs in black and Latino neighborhoods, where youths entered into at times deadly combat against their aggressors but also fought for honor, respect, and status with rivals within their communities. In the 1960s and 1970s, with civil rights struggles and ideologies of racial empowerment circulating through minority neighborhoods, some of these same gangs, often with the support of community organizers affiliated with political organizations like the Black Panther Party, turned toward defending the rights of their communities and participating in contentious politics. However, such projects were cut short by the fierce repression of gangs in minority communities by local police forces, working at times in collaboration with the Federal Bureau of Investigation. By the mid-1970s, following the withdrawal of the Black Panthers and other mediating organizations from cities like Chicago and Los Angeles, so-called “super-gangs” claiming the allegiance of thousands of youths began federating into opposing camps—“People” against “Folks” in Chicago, “Crips” against “Bloods” in LA—to wage war for control of emerging drug markets. In the 1980s and 1990s, with minority communities dealing with high unemployment, cutbacks in social services, failing schools, hyperincarceration, drug trafficking, gun violence, and toxic relations with increasingly militarized police forces waging local “wars” against drugs and gangs, gangs proliferated in cities throughout the urban Sun Belt. Their prominence within popular and political discourse nationwide made them symbols of the urban crisis and of the cultural deficiencies that some believed had caused it.


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