Diversification and Nuanced Inequities in Digital Media Use in the United States

2018 ◽  
pp. 1216-1237
Author(s):  
Eliane Rubinstein-Avila ◽  
Aurora Sartori

This chapter explores access to, and engagement with, digital media by United States' (U.S.) by nonmainstream populations. Framing the issue from a sociotechnical standpoint, the authors explore how engagement with digital media is shaped by socioeconomic status (taking into account confounding factors, such as race and ethnicity, and social and geographical ecologies). The authors highlight studies that focus on the robust digital practices with which nonmainstream populations already engage, and to which they contribute. One example is how some black Twitter users engage in signifyin'–a culturally specific linguistic practice—as a means of performing racial identity online. The authors also problematize concepts such as the new digital divide and digital exclusion, and finally, reiterate that a universal roll-out of high speed broadband alone will not necessarily lead to further engagement with digital media for ALL populations. In fact, the authors claim that providing more or faster access is likely not enough to prevent the entrenchment of a global digital underclass.

Author(s):  
Eliane Rubinstein-Avila ◽  
Aurora Sartori

This chapter explores access to, and engagement with, digital media by United States' (U.S.) by nonmainstream populations. Framing the issue from a sociotechnical standpoint, the authors explore how engagement with digital media is shaped by socioeconomic status (taking into account confounding factors, such as race and ethnicity, and social and geographical ecologies). The authors highlight studies that focus on the robust digital practices with which nonmainstream populations already engage, and to which they contribute. One example is how some black Twitter users engage in signifyin'–a culturally specific linguistic practice—as a means of performing racial identity online. The authors also problematize concepts such as the new digital divide and digital exclusion, and finally, reiterate that a universal roll-out of high speed broadband alone will not necessarily lead to further engagement with digital media for ALL populations. In fact, the authors claim that providing more or faster access is likely not enough to prevent the entrenchment of a global digital underclass.


Author(s):  
Edgar Corona ◽  
Liu Yang ◽  
Eric Esrailian ◽  
Kevin A. Ghassemi ◽  
Jeffrey L. Conklin ◽  
...  

Abstract Introduction Esophageal cancer (EC) is an aggressive malignancy with poor prognosis. Mortality and disease stage at diagnosis are important indicators of improvements in cancer prevention and control. We examined United States trends in esophageal adenocarcinoma (EAC) and esophageal squamous cell carcinoma (ESCC) mortality and stage at diagnosis by race and ethnicity. Methods We used Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) data to identify individuals with histologically confirmed EAC and ESCC between 1 January 1992 and 31 December 2016. For both EAC and ESCC, we calculated age-adjusted mortality and the proportion presenting at each stage by race/ethnicity, sex, and year. We then calculated the annual percent change (APC) in each indicator by race/ethnicity and examined changes over time. Results The study included 19,257 EAC cases and 15,162 ESCC cases. EAC mortality increased significantly overall and in non-Hispanic Whites from 1993 to 2012 and from 1993 to 2010, respectively. EAC mortality continued to rise among non-Hispanic Blacks (NHB) (APC = 1.60, p = 0.01). NHB experienced the fastest decline in ESCC mortality (APC = − 4.53, p < 0.001) yet maintained the highest mortality at the end of the study period. Proportions of late stage disease increased overall by 18.5 and 24.5 percentage points for EAC and ESCC respectively; trends varied by race/ethnicity. Conclusion We found notable differences in trends in EAC and ESCC mortality and stage at diagnosis by race/ethnicity. Stage migration resulting from improvements in diagnosis and treatment may partially explain recent trends in disease stage at diagnosis. Future efforts should identify factors driving current esophageal cancer disparities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6456
Author(s):  
Ziqi Liu ◽  
Ming Zhang ◽  
Liwen Liu

There have been growing concerns around the world over the rising spatial inequality (SI) amid fast and vast globalization. This paper presents an effort to benchmark the conditions and trends of spatial inequality in 37 megaregions in the United States, Europe, and China. Furthermore, the study selected three megaregion examples and analyzed the effect of developing high-speed rail (HSR) as an infrastructure investment strategy on reshaping the spatial pattern of job accessibility. The study measures spatial inequality with the Theil index of gross regional product and with the rank-size coefficient of polycentricity. Results show that spatial inequality exists and varies in magnitude within and between megaregions. On average, Chinese megaregions exhibited the level of spatial inequality about two times or more of those in the U.S. and European megaregions. The decade between 2006 and 2016 saw a decrease in the Theil index measure of megaregional inequality in China, but a slight increase in the United States and Europe. Fast growing megaregions exhibit high levels and rising trends of spatial inequality regardless of the country or continent setting. HSR helps improve mobility and accessibility; yet the extent to which HSR reduces spatial inequality is context dependent. This study presents a first attempt to assess and compare the spatial inequality conditions and trajectories in world megaregions aiming at promoting international learning.


Author(s):  
Beth Prusaczyk

Abstract The United States has well-documented rural-urban health disparities and it is imperative that these are not exacerbated by an inefficient roll-out of the COVID-19 vaccines to rural areas. In addition to the pre-existing barriers to delivering and receiving healthcare in rural areas, such as high patient:provider ratios and long geographic distances between patients and providers, rural residents are significantly more likely to say they have no intention of receiving a COVID-19 vaccine, compared to urban residents. To overcome these barriers and ensure rural residents receive the vaccine, officials and communities should look to previous research on how to communicate vaccine information and implement successful vaccination programs in rural areas for guidance and concrete strategies to use in their local efforts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta N. Lukacovic

This study analyzes securitized discourses and counter narratives that surround the COVID-19 pandemic. Controversial cases of security related political communication, salient media enunciations, and social media reframing are explored through the theoretical lenses of securitization and cascading activation of framing in the contexts of Slovakia, Russia, and the United States. The first research question explores whether and how the frame element of moral evaluation factors into the conversations on the securitization of the pandemic. The analysis tracks the framing process through elite, media, and public levels of communication. The second research question focused on fairly controversial actors— “rogue actors” —such as individuals linked to far-leaning political factions or militias. The proliferation of digital media provides various actors with opportunities to join publicly visible conversations. The analysis demonstrates that the widely differing national contexts offer different trends and degrees in securitization of the pandemic during spring and summer of 2020. The studied rogue actors usually have something to say about the pandemic, and frequently make some reframing attempts based on idiosyncratic evaluations of how normatively appropriate is their government's “war” on COVID-19. In Slovakia, the rogue elite actors at first failed to have an impact but eventually managed to partially contest the dominant frame. Powerful Russian media influencers enjoy some conspiracy theories but prudently avoid direct challenges to the government's frame, and so far only marginal rogue actors openly advance dissenting frames. The polarized political and media environment in the US has shown to create a particularly fertile ground for rogue grassroots movements that utilize online platforms and social media, at times going as far as encouragement of violent acts to oppose the government and its pandemic response policy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 216747952095077
Author(s):  
Evan L. Frederick ◽  
Ann Pegoraro ◽  
Samuel Schmidt

When asked if she would go to the White House if invited, Megan Rapinoe stated, “I’m not going to the fucking White House.” The next morning, President Donald Trump posted a series of tweets in which he criticized Rapinoe’s statements. In his tweets, Trump introduced issues around race in the United States and brought forth his own notion of nationalism. The purpose of this study was to conduct an analysis of users’ tweets to determine how individuals employed Twitter to craft a narrative and discuss the ongoing Rapinoe and Trump feud within and outside the bounds of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and nationalism. An inductive analysis of 16,137 users’ tweets revealed three primary themes: a) Refuse, Refute, & Redirect Racist Rhetoric b) Stand Up vs. Know your Rights, and c) #ShutUpAndBeALeader. Based on the findings of this study, it appears that the dialogue regarding racism in the United States is quickly evolving. Instead of reciting the same refrain (i.e., racism no longer exists and systematic racism is constructed by Black people) seen in previous works, individuals in the current dataset refuted those talking points and clearly labeled the President as a racist. Additionally, though discussions of nationalism were evident in this dataset, the Stand Up vs. Know Your Rights theme was on the periphery in comparison to discussions of race. Perhaps, this indicates that some have grown tired of Trump utilizing nationalism as a means to stoke racism.


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