LGBT Right Activism and the Risk of Christianophobia in Nigeria

2022 ◽  
pp. 189-205
Author(s):  
Endong Floribert Patrick Calvain

Nigerian conservatism and doctrinaire religion have been cardinal forces behind the adoption of a homophobic legislation in Nigeria. This scenario has spurred many (pro)-gay activists into anchoring their advocacy on a “Christianophobic” rhetoric which labels Christianity and religious fanaticism as two forms of bigotry, barbarism and Nazism, as well as facets of an anti-progressive movement. Such an aggressive advocacy tactic has been making a case for the systematic “de-Christianization” and “de-Islamization” of Nigerians' minds. Using empirical understandings, this chapter argues that, Nigerian LGBT activists shape their advocacy strategies according to some Western atheistic models; models which have progressively given rise to gay totalitarianism and “Christianophobia” in a number of western countries. The paper highlights indexes pointing to a future “Christianophobia” in Nigeria, driven by a “Christianophobic” gay activism and finally argues that any pro-gay advocacy rooted in the de-Christianization of Nigerians unarguably proffers the disrespect of religious freedom.

Author(s):  
Endong Floribert Patrick Calvain

Nigerian conservatism and doctrinaire religion have been cardinal forces behind the adoption of a homophobic legislation in Nigeria. This scenario has spurred many (pro)-gay activists into anchoring their advocacy on a “Christianophobic” rhetoric which labels Christianity and religious fanaticism as two forms of bigotry, barbarism and Nazism, as well as facets of an anti-progressive movement. Such an aggressive advocacy tactic has been making a case for the systematic “de-Christianization” and “de-Islamization” of Nigerians' minds. Using empirical understandings, this chapter argues that, Nigerian LGBT activists shape their advocacy strategies according to some Western atheistic models; models which have progressively given rise to gay totalitarianism and “Christianophobia” in a number of western countries. The paper highlights indexes pointing to a future “Christianophobia” in Nigeria, driven by a “Christianophobic” gay activism and finally argues that any pro-gay advocacy rooted in the de-Christianization of Nigerians unarguably proffers the disrespect of religious freedom.


Author(s):  
Victor Yelenskyy

The article deals with the OSCE Document "Freedom of Religion or Belief and Security. Policy Guidance"(2019) from the perspective of the status of freedom of conscience and belief, as well as the political and legal realities that  prevailes in the Western countries (USA, Canada, EU member states), in Russian Federation, and in Ukraine. Author proves that attempts to balance issues of religious freedom and national security in Western countries after the 9/11 led to the establishment of a new security regime, primarily in the United States. Some essential changes designed for an effective response to current and future threats were introduced in national legal system by lawmakers in Germany, United Kingdom, Spain, France, and Italy. With all this going on, many policymakers and commentators called governments to use all necessary means to not allow terrorists and religious extremists to take advantage from what could be regarded as a vulnerability of Western democracies, namely their openness, liberal legislative regime, democratic procedures, sensitivity to human rights and human dignity. The author emphasizes that, despite some shortcomings that followed the shaping of the new security’s regime, it contains obvious components that are quite in the line with the 2019 OCSE Document’s fundamentals. Absolutely opposite, author argues, is the approach to the religious freedom and national security dichotomy in Russian Federation. The restrictions of the religious freedom in this country motivated by the interests of national security, are such brutal that destroy the main pillars of the international law in this realm and  put Russia on a par with the most flagrant violators of religious freedoms all over  the world. Finally, inspired by the Ukrainian model, author is proving that almost thirty years long experience in forming a model of state-church relations adequate to the spirit and letter of internationally recognized principals in the field of the freedom of conscience and belief can be productive even if the country faces enormous external and internal challenges and the balance between religious freedom and national security can be achieved even for a country at war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Kōichirō Matsuda

This article will focus on the conundrum of building the political legitimacy while institutionalizing religious freedom which the newly established goisshin 御一新 government confronted. Liberation of "evil sects", which not only meant Christianity but also other religious sects such as fujufuse-ha of Nichiren school, was an issue which the Meiji state wanted to dodge. Western states demanded the lifting of the ban on Christianity but Japanese political leaders were vigilant against the idea. Reluctantly the Meiji state lifted the ban on Christianity in 1873 but they had started the institutionalization of Shinto as the state religion in advance. The government officials viewed that Christian faith and churches in Western countries were devised to prevent public mind from dissolution. They strived to establish an alternative version of religious authority in Japan instead of introducing the principle of conscientious freedom. However, on the other hand, a new generation of intellectuals raised the protection of the individual right of religious freedom as an urgent issue. I will analyze the diplomatic negotiations between the Western countries and the Meiji government officials, reports on the Western religious and educational systems in the Iwakura Mission records, voices of Buddhist and Shinto groups, and publications by leading intellectuals such as Nakamura Masao and Katō Hiroyuki so as to build a picture of how the concept of conscientious liberty was treated in such entangled contexts.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chongzeng Bi ◽  
Oscar Ybarra ◽  
Yufang Zhao

Recent research investigating self-judgment has shown that people are more likely to base their evaluations of self on agency-related traits than communion-related traits. In the present research, we tested the hypothesis that agency-related traits dominate self-evaluation by expanding the purview of the fundamental dimensions to consider characteristics typically studied in the gender-role literature, but that nevertheless should be related to agency and communion. Further, we carried out these tests on two samples from China, a cultural context that, relative to many Western countries, emphasizes the interpersonal or communion dimension. Despite the differences in traits used and cultural samples studied, the findings generally supported the agency dominates self-esteem perspective, albeit with some additional findings in Study 2. The findings are discussed with regard to the influence of social norms and the types of inferences people are able to draw about themselves given such norms.


2007 ◽  
pp. 85-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Kasparova

The article considers the financial tools of corporate control transfers and mergers and acquisitions financing forms. In western countries tax and informative factors are more important, but in the Russian business market lack of development of the stock market and low cost of securities of Russian companies play the main role. The analysis has shown that in Russia the monetary form of M&A financing dominates over other financing forms (90% of reviewed cases), still there are individual cases of M&A financing by buying company’s shares (10% of reviewed cases).


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