Between religious freedom and national security

Author(s):  
Victor Yelenskyy

The article deals with the OSCE Document "Freedom of Religion or Belief and Security. Policy Guidance"(2019) from the perspective of the status of freedom of conscience and belief, as well as the political and legal realities that  prevailes in the Western countries (USA, Canada, EU member states), in Russian Federation, and in Ukraine. Author proves that attempts to balance issues of religious freedom and national security in Western countries after the 9/11 led to the establishment of a new security regime, primarily in the United States. Some essential changes designed for an effective response to current and future threats were introduced in national legal system by lawmakers in Germany, United Kingdom, Spain, France, and Italy. With all this going on, many policymakers and commentators called governments to use all necessary means to not allow terrorists and religious extremists to take advantage from what could be regarded as a vulnerability of Western democracies, namely their openness, liberal legislative regime, democratic procedures, sensitivity to human rights and human dignity. The author emphasizes that, despite some shortcomings that followed the shaping of the new security’s regime, it contains obvious components that are quite in the line with the 2019 OCSE Document’s fundamentals. Absolutely opposite, author argues, is the approach to the religious freedom and national security dichotomy in Russian Federation. The restrictions of the religious freedom in this country motivated by the interests of national security, are such brutal that destroy the main pillars of the international law in this realm and  put Russia on a par with the most flagrant violators of religious freedoms all over  the world. Finally, inspired by the Ukrainian model, author is proving that almost thirty years long experience in forming a model of state-church relations adequate to the spirit and letter of internationally recognized principals in the field of the freedom of conscience and belief can be productive even if the country faces enormous external and internal challenges and the balance between religious freedom and national security can be achieved even for a country at war.

Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


Author(s):  
VALERY P. ZHURAVEL ◽  

The article reveals real and potential threats to the national security of the Russian Federation in the Arctic region by the NATO. According to the author, these include: the strengthening of the military presence in the Arctic of the Arctic Ocean coastal States and other NATO countries; the increase in the combat capabilities of groups of coalition and national Armed Forces (Navy) of the United States and NATO; the development of naval-based missile defences and early warning systems; the expansion of the United States military satellite constellation to the Arctic; increased activity by the special services of foreign states in conducting intelligence activities in the Arctic and in the frontier territory of the Russian Federation; conduct of multinational military exercises and transfer of combat training areas to the Arctic; the desire of a number of foreign countries to give the Northern Sea Way the status of an international transport highway, and of the Norwegian leadership to change the status of Spitsbergen, to reduce and eventually completely displace the Russian Federation from the archipelago; increasing attempts to discredit the activities of the Russian Federation in the Arctic. The article discusses the measures of the Russian Federation to strengthen the defensive capability in the Arctic direction, paying special attention to the protection of its sovereignty and territorial integrity.


Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon C. Halaychik

The Russian Federations drive to reestablish itself as a global power has severe security implications for the United States, its Arctic neighbors, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a whole. The former Commander of United States Naval Forces Europe Admiral Mark Ferguson noted that the re-militarization of Russian security policy in the Arctic is one of the most significant developments in the twenty-first century adding that Russia is creating an “Arc of steel from the Arctic to the Mediterranean” (Herbst 2016, 166). Although the Russian Federation postulates its expansion into the Arctic is for purely economic means, the reality of the military hardware being placed in the region by the Russians tells otherwise. Implementation of military hardware such as anti-air defenses is contrary to the stipulated purposes of the Russian Government in the region. Therefore is the Russian Federation building strategic military bases in the Arctic to challenge the United States hegemony due to the mistreatment against the Russians by the United States and NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Pavel A. Anisimov ◽  

The article examines the main challenges to the national security of the Russian Federation in the Arctic region. In particular, the author analyzes the reasons for the behavioral patterns of Russia and the NATO countries in relation to the Arctic through the prism of a realistic paradigm in the theory of international relations. It is the comprehensive approach to the consideration of the Arctic situation that determines the novelty and relevance of the study. In connection with the discovery and development of large mineral deposits, the role of the Arctic region in modern world political processes has increased. Also, since the late 20th – early 21st century, the Arctic has been in the focus of increased attention of international actors due to its geopolitical importance. All this makes it a priority for Russia. The intensification of the economic activity of the Russian Federation in the Arctic, as well as the implementation of such projects as the Northern Sea Route, has become the cause of the growing tensions in the region. The United States and other NATO countries, whose geopolitical interests are affected, are not only strengthening their anti-Russian rhetoric, but also increasing their military presence. In turn, this is perceived by the Russian side as a strategic threat and leads to mirror measures, including the deployment of a military infrastructure and an increase in the number of military exercises. However, despite growing tensions in the Arctic, Russia has consistently demonstrated its readiness for open dialogue and cooperation with its Western partners.


Author(s):  
Min-hyung Kim

Abstract Given the limits of the prevailing hedging account for Seoul’s puzzling behavior that is in conformity with the interests of its adversary (i.e. North Korea) and potential threat (i.e. China) rather than those of its principal ally (i.e. the United States) and security cooperation partner (i.e. Japan), this article emphasizes the impact of the progressive ideology on Seoul’s security policy. In doing so, it calls for attention to a domestic source of ideology in explaining the security behaviors of a secondary state, which is under-researched and thus is poorly understood.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-532
Author(s):  
Christoph Bluth

RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IS STILL IN A STATE OF FLUX. LIKE the other former republics of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation seeks to come to terms with being an independent state needing to define its national interests and foreign and security policy objectives.The principal element in the new frame of reference for Moscow is the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union itself. For forty years, most of the territories controlled by Moscow were adjacent to territories protected by the United States, or else to China. The Russian Federation is now virtually surrounded by former Soviet republics, all with deep political, social and economic problems, and some of which are highly unstable and subject to violent civil conflicts. The territory of the Russian Federation itself, about 75 per cent of the territory of the former USSR with about 60 per cent of its population, is still not properly defined, given that significant sections of the borders are purely notional, and the degree of control that Moscow can exercise over the entire Federation is uncertain.


Author(s):  
Игорь Ирхин ◽  
Igor Irkhin

This monograph comprehensively examines the constitutional and legal status of territories with a special status within the Federal States in the context of the Institute of territorial autonomy. The study is based on the experience of constitutional and legal regulation of the status of Autonomous districts in the "composite subjects" of the Russian Federation, administrative-territorial units with a special status in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, Autonomous districts in India, Nunavut territory in Canada, unincorporated territories of the United States This monograph is one of the first works in the domestic jurisprudence, in which the study was conducted from the perspective of territorial autonomy. The publication is intended for researchers, postgraduates and students, all readers interested in constitutional (public) law, theory of state and law.


Author(s):  
H. Khavarivska

Problem setting. The article establishes that the objective impossibility of rapid integration of Ukraine into the European European community turns it into a platform for the constant relations clarification between the West and the East. The uncertain situation of our country due to this fact dictates specific rules, according to which Ukraine should pursue an inconsistent policy related to the political and economic conjuncture, and this increases the likelihood of possible security challenges to Ukraine in the context of destabilization of the international security space. In such a situation, the adoption by a state of relevant regulations of a profile nature, which would completely meet all the challenges of our time, comprises a very important fact. Recent research and publications analysis. Many works consider general issues of national security in Ukraine, a fundamental place among which belongs to H. Sytnyk, the co-author of the National Security Strategy of Ukraine, many bills, conceptual scientific strategies and political programs in the sphere of national security of Ukraine, as well as the works by V. Abramov, N. Nyzhnyk, V. Oluyko, V. Pasichnyk et аl. The assessment of real threats and challenges to national security, as well as their geopolitical context, was conducted by S. Bielay, V. Hulay, K. Kononenko, M. Malsky, L. Novoskoltseva et al. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. To analyse the prerequisites, main provisions, security risks, challenges and tasks of the 2020 National Security Strategy, find out its novelties in comparison with previous strategies, as well as to determine its significance for the current situation in Ukraine. Paper main body. It has been established that since 2014, full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation has continued in Ukraine, which has all the typical features of so-called “hybrid war”, and is implemented in the forms of military and other illegal actions, reflected in almost all key spheres of life of the Ukrainian state and society in general, including information, economic and diplomatic space. So, on September 14, 2020, the President of Ukraine signed the Decree “On the National Security Strategy of Ukraine”. The content and structure of the Strategy is quite different from its previous versions adopted in 2007, 2012 and 2015. The adoption of this document was really expected, because it should have shown the authorities’ vision of threats, risks and challenges to Ukraine’s national security and determination of the ways to neutralize such threats. The new Strategy replaced one dated 2015. 2020 Strategy makes the appropriate accents and articulates problems that clarify the view of security component and this is important from the point of view of the activities of state bodies, because this is what they will rely on in the coming years when forming their action plans, primarily in the security sector. For the first time, the new Strategy is based on the following basic principles: 1) deterrence; 2) resilience; 3) interaction. This document focuses not only on military issues, but also on areas related to the security sector, information, diplomatic and economic spheres. The Strategy focuses on the fact that the Russian Federation, while continuing military actions against Ukraine, systematically uses economic, political, military, information and psychological, as well as cyber means. In addition, the Strategy takes into account the latest changes related to the crisis in global economy, the spread of the COVID-19 disease caused by coronavirus, as well as the increased risk of natural and man-made emergency situations. With the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, there were also critical problems in the health and social protection systems, in the information sphere, and this in turn led to an increase in unemployment, destruction of established lifestyles and, in general, it threatens food development, hinders free movement of capital, goods and labour force, damaging the service sector. There is also an intensification of rivalry between key world players in the geopolitical position, in particular, between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China for world leadership. The document stipulates that acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is the strategic course of the state. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies.The 2020 National Security Strategy meets the challenges of our time and is more narrative than similar documents of previous years. Its basic principles such as deterrence, resilience and interaction provide more opportunities for updating the security sector and responding quickly and flexibly to new challenges and threats facing Ukraine. At the same time, the implementation of ideas set out in the Strategy will depend on those sub-strategic documents (strategies and programs) that are to be adopted within six months according to the new Strategy. If these documents manage to offer effective means of counteracting hostile activity, the newly adopted Strategy will become an effective planning tool, rather than another bureaucratic pro forma. Research and analysis of other new regulations defining security challenges and threats for Ukraine can be a prospect for further scientific research. 


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