Digital Activism

Author(s):  
Anita Howarth

Austerity blogs emerged in the context of radical reform of welfare benefits and constrained household budgets. The blogs, written by those forced to live hand-to-mouth, are a hybrid form of digital culture that merge narratives of lived experience, food practices, and political commentary in ways that challenge the dominant views on poverty and hunger. A Girl Called Jack disrupted existing hegemonies by breaking the silence that the stigma of poverty imposes on the impoverished, drew attention to the corporeal vulnerability of hunger, and invited the pity of the reader. In the process, Jack refuted individual-failure accounts of the causes of and challenged notions of welfare dependency by detailing practices to survive and eat healthily on a £10-a-week food budget. This combination of narrative and survival practices resonated powerfully, yet also polarized opinion, drawing attention to social uneasiness over growing levels of poverty and deep divisions over who is responsible for addressing these, and more fundamentally, who the modern poor are and what modern poverty is.

2019 ◽  
pp. 538-553
Author(s):  
Anita Howarth

Austerity food blogs have become prominent as household food budgets have become tighter, government finances constrained, and an ideology of austerity has become dominant. The British version of austerity privileges reducing government spending by cutting welfare benefits, and legitimizes this through individual failure explanations of poverty and stereotypes of benefit claimants. Austerity food blogs, written by those forced to live hand to mouth, are a hybrid form of digital culture that merges narratives of lived experience, food practices and political commentary in ways that challenge the dominant views on poverty. The popular blog A Girl Called Jack disrupts the austerity hegemony by breaking the silence that the stigma of poverty imposes on the impoverished and by personalizing poverty through Jack Monroe's narratives of her lived experience of it, inviting the reader's pity and refuting reductionist explanations of the causes of poverty. Monroe also challenges austerity through practices derived through her personal knowledge gained during her struggle to survive and eat healthily on £10-a-week food budget. This combination of narrative and survival practices written evocatively and eloquently resonate powerfully with readers; however the response to Monroe's blog highlights a deep uneasiness in British society over growing levels of poverty, and deep divisions over who is responsible for addressing it; and more fundamentally, over identifying and defining the modern poor and modern poverty.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Howarth

Austerity food blogs have become prominent as household food budgets have become tighter, government finances constrained, and an ideology of austerity has become dominant. The British version of austerity privileges reducing government spending by cutting welfare benefits, and legitimizes this through individual failure explanations of poverty and stereotypes of benefit claimants. Austerity food blogs, written by those forced to live hand to mouth, are a hybrid form of digital culture that merges narratives of lived experience, food practices and political commentary in ways that challenge the dominant views on poverty. The popular blog A Girl Called Jack disrupts the austerity hegemony by breaking the silence that the stigma of poverty imposes on the impoverished and by personalizing poverty through Jack Monroe's narratives of her lived experience of it, inviting the reader's pity and refuting reductionist explanations of the causes of poverty. Monroe also challenges austerity through practices derived through her personal knowledge gained during her struggle to survive and eat healthily on £10-a-week food budget. This combination of narrative and survival practices written evocatively and eloquently resonate powerfully with readers; however the response to Monroe's blog highlights a deep uneasiness in British society over growing levels of poverty, and deep divisions over who is responsible for addressing it; and more fundamentally, over identifying and defining the modern poor and modern poverty.


Author(s):  
Anita Howarth

Austerity food blogs have come to the fore with the emergence of a neoliberal ideology of austerity, which in Britain has seen cuts to welfare benefits legitimized through individual failure explanations of poverty and the stigmatizing of benefit claimants. The consequence has been to distance ministers from food poverty and de-politicize it. Austerity food blogs, written by those forced to live hand-to-mouth, are a hybrid form of digital culture that merge narratives of lived experience, food practices and political commentary in ways that challenge the dominant views on poverty so re-politicize it. A Girl Called Jack did this by breaking the silence that the stigma of poverty imposes, by personalizing hunger through Jack Monroe's narratives of her lived experience of it and inviting the pity of the reader. Monroe also challenged austerity through practices derived during the struggle to survive and eat healthily on £10-a-week food budget. Her blog resonated powerfully but also revealed a British society deeply uneasy and polarized over modern poverty.


Author(s):  
Anita Howarth

Austerity food blogs have come to the fore with the emergence of a neoliberal ideology of austerity, which in Britain has seen cuts to welfare benefits legitimized through individual failure explanations of poverty and the stigmatizing of benefit claimants. The consequence has been to distance ministers from food poverty and de-politicize it. Austerity food blogs, written by those forced to live hand-to-mouth, are a hybrid form of digital culture that merge narratives of lived experience, food practices and political commentary in ways that challenge the dominant views on poverty so re-politicize it. A Girl Called Jack did this by breaking the silence that the stigma of poverty imposes, by personalizing hunger through Jack Monroe's narratives of her lived experience of it and inviting the pity of the reader. Monroe also challenged austerity through practices derived during the struggle to survive and eat healthily on £10-a-week food budget. Her blog resonated powerfully but also revealed a British society deeply uneasy and polarized over modern poverty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Holm ◽  
Annemette Ljungdalh Nielsen ◽  
Thomas Bøker Lund

In countries with wide income differentials, food insecurity leads to substantial changes in everyday food practices and to poor dietary and mental health. Less is known about consequences of food budget pressure in affluent populations and in social-democratic welfare societies with narrower income differentials. This paper describes relations between pressure on household food budgets and demographic factors in Denmark. It asks how budgetary constraint relates to life satisfaction and dietary health and how these relationships are affected when people adapt their food practices to manage pressure on budgets. Data from a representative 2015 survey of Danish households are employed. Levels of food budget pressure vary with income and household composition and are negatively associated with life satisfaction and dietary health. We find a sequence of food practice adaptations where changes in food quality and hospitality, and seeking external help were being made when adjustments to food provisioning and kitchen practices were proving to be insufficient. We conclude that in affluent social-democratic welfare societies pressure on food budgets also has negative impacts on life satisfaction and health. Food budget pressure should be monitored in the future and addressed in public health policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-532
Author(s):  
Bex Lewis

Social media has become a part of everyday life, including the faith lives of many. It is a space that assumes an observing gaze. Engaging with Foucauldian notions of surveillance, self-regulation, and normalisation, this paper considers what it is about social and digital culture that shapes expectations of what users can or want to do in online spaces. Drawing upon a wide range of surveillance research, it reflects upon what “surveillance” looks like within social media, especially when users understand themselves to be observed in the space. Recognising moral panics around technological development, the paper considers the development of social norms and questions how self-regulation by users presents itself within a global population. Focusing upon the spiritual formation of Christian users (disciples) in an online environment as a case study of a community of practice, the paper draws particularly upon the author’s experiences online since 1997 and material from The Big Bible Project (CODEC 2010–2015). The research demonstrates how the lived experience of the individual establishes the interconnectedness of the online and offline environments. The surveillant affordances and context collapse are liberating for some users but restricting for others in both their faith formation and the subsequent imperative to mission.


2018 ◽  
pp. 59-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristoffer Chelsom Vogt

Title: The Myth of Welfare Dependency. Summary: The myth of welfare dependency has long historical roots and is influential in both policy and research. The central idea is that receiving welfare benefits decreases people’s motivation for work and fosters a culture of dependency. The myth originates in an Anglo-American context but is also evident in a Nordic context. Nordic welfare states, with their comparatively high levels of benefits, are presumably especially at risk of encouraging welfare dependency. This article questions the myth of welfare dependency, by presenting a life-course perspective that directs our attention to relations between historical developments and individual life-course processes. Viewed from a life-course perspective, it becomes clear that the myth of welfare dependency is based upon a number of problematic premises: an individualistic and static conception of lives and relationships, a narrowly defined concept of welfare, and on several misconceptions of how welfare state policies, especially of the Nordic variety, function in practice. The dichotomy of dependence and independence upon which the myth rests is untenable when confronted with empirical life-course research, and has highly-skewed implications in terms of both gender and social class.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James E Taylor

<p>In the early 1890s Harry Atkinson, the subject of this thesis, travelled to England and spent a year as foundation secretary of the Manchester and Salford Labour Church. In Manchester Atkinson worked closely with the Churchʼs founder John Trevor, took part in Labour Church services and worked with a variety of British socialist intellectuals and activists including Ben Tillett, Edward Carpenter and Robert Blatchford. Atkinson returned to New Zealand in late 1893 and three years later founded the Socialist Church in Christchurch. This was not a Church in the traditional sense—rather, it was a site for the debate, discussion and dissemination of radical and socialist literature and ideas, and a platform for political agitation and social reform. Its creed was to ‘promot[e] a fellowship amongst those working for the organisation of Society on a basis of Brotherhood and Equality’. Members of the Church included Jack McCullough, James and Elizabeth McCombs and Jim Thorn. The critical, yet downplayed, role that Atkinson played working behind the scenes as an important mentor and conduit in the emergent socialist subculture in Christchurch from 1896 to 1905 has been for the most part unexplored in New Zealand labour historiography. This thesis addresses this imbalance and examines the intellectual and associational activity of Harry Atkinson during the period 1890 to 1905 and reconsiders the work and key concerns of the Christchurch Socialist Church. It argues that the form of ethical socialism Atkinson experienced in Manchester, and later promulgated through the Socialist Church, has been mischaraterised as vague or, inaccurately, Christian Socialist. By situating Atkinson’s beliefs and activities within a wider transnational context of 1890s ‘New Life’ socialism, we can see his ideas and work as part of a broader ‘world of labour’, shaped by multi-directional flows and contacts. The varied networks through which Atkinson was exposed to books and ideas are illustrated and the thesis attempts to trace the diversity of his, and others, associational activity. It suggests that the colonial New Zealand socialism of the 1890s was not ‘without doctrine’, and that individuals engaged in richer intellectual and associational lives than is often acknowledged. However, it is shown that Atkinson and members of the Church, though inspired by foreign or overseas experiences, ideas and literature, focused primarily on local issues. These are also surveyed and include agitation for municipal government, female equality and the radical reform of democratic institutions. It is argued that a reconsideration of the lived experience of Atkinson and his wider circle provides a lens to investigate some important aspects of colonial New Zealand radicalism and socialism, outside the usual foci of trade unions, the workplace and formal labour politics.</p>


SAGE Open ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401666951
Author(s):  
Jane Elliott ◽  
Jon Lawrence

Between May 1978 and December 1983, the sociologist Ray Pahl conducted seven extensive interviews with a couple from Sheppey that he called “Linda” and “Jim.” These not only informed a key chapter in Pahl’s classic book Divisions of Labour but also evolved into a uniquely intimate account of how a family used to “getting by” (though never “affluent”) coped with the hardships and indignities of long-term reliance on welfare benefits. Perhaps inevitably, fascinating aspects of Linda and Jim’s testimony were left unused in Divisions of Labour, primarily because they were marginal to Pahl’s principal aim of demonstrating how the state welfare system could trap a family in poverty. We deliberately retain the narrative, case study approach of Pahl’s treatment, but shift our focus to the strategies that Linda and Jim adopted to cope with the emotional and psychological challenges of life at the sharp end of the early 1980s recession. How they retained a strong orientation toward the future, how they resisted internalizing the stigmatization associated with welfare dependency in 1980s Britain, and how their determination to fight “the system” ultimately led them to make choices in harmony with the logic of the New Right’s free market agenda.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630511988169
Author(s):  
Eliza Steinbock

This article considers the continuities afforded by digital platforms for reactivating the 1990s Transgender Nation politics, by providing a means to bond like-minded people into imagined nations cohered into an affective public. The media archeology approach facilitates the investigation into stylistic and conceptual continuities between the 1992 and 1994 Transgender Nation’s “direct action” and militant politics into cases of digital activism from 1995 until 2016. The article further tracks early queer and trans connection and discord into later digital incarnations. The author considers digital culture as a significant site for personal and group transformation, but finds in the touchstone activities of Transgender Day of Remembrance an imagined community styled by necropolitical attunements. Direct actions online are still fueled by contesting hostility to trans life, but the critique of transgender marginalization must also account for sexual and racial dynamics.


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