British Literature in Transition, 1900–1920: A New Age?

During the first two decades of the twentieth century, Britain's imperial power and influence was at its height. These were years of daring, when adventurers sounded the mysteries of the deep sea and the distant poles, aviators sped through the skies, and new media technologies transformed communication. They were years of social upheaval, during which long-suppressed voices – particularly those of women, of the labouring classes, and of colonial subjects – grew louder and demanded to be heard. They were years of violence, of insurrection and political agitation, and of imperial conflicts that would encompass continents. By subjecting specific developments in literature and related culture to a fine-grained and historically-informed analysis, British Literature in Transition, 1900–1920: A New Age? explores the writing of this extraordinary period in all its complexity and vibrancy.

Understanding the Māori Television Service’s Policy and Legislation: The First Ten Years

<p>he Māori Television Service emerged in 2004 after many years of political agitation by Māori for the New Zealand government to protect and promote Māori language and culture. Given the subsequent broadcaster’s role in promoting te reo me ngā tikanga Māori, this research project seeks to answer the questions: what strategies for language revitalisation are revealed in the Māori Television Service’s governing policy documents produced from 2003-2013, and how are the Māori Television Service’s strategies for language revitalisation informed by the operating environment of the broadcaster? To answer these questions, discourse analysis of the Māori Television Service’s governing policy documents, and those which inform it, is used to reveal the broadcaster’s strategies for language revitalisation. These documents are contextualised in relation to the wider Māori language struggle, the New Zealand broadcast industry, and socio-political, cultural and economic shifts between 2003 and 2013. Such contextualisation demonstrates the purpose of the broadcaster’s strategies for language revitalisation, how and why these strategies have changed and how these shifts reflect the Māori Television Service’s negotiation of different stakeholders. Research findings suggest that the Māori Television Service has deployed a range of strategies that enable it to meet its legislative obligations as well as respond to community and industry stakeholders. These strategies include building an audience for its language programming content, operating as a financially prudent Māori organisation, and developing programming strategies in light of technological shifts. The thesis argues that these strategies contribute to the naturalisation and normalisation of te reo me ngā tikanga Māori within the national imaginary, and that these reflect key tactics for language revitalisation as set out in the 2003 Māori Language Strategy. The thesis also identifies a shift from the Māori Television Service’s focus on language programming quantity to language programming quality, and a shift to focusing on te reo speakers over a broad viewer base, across the ten year period of the broadcaster’s existence. The thesis aligns these more recent language programming strategies in relation to current changes in language revitalisation activities. In revealing the competing pressures faced by the broadcaster, this thesis highlights the role the Māori Television Service has played in increasing the symbolic value of te reo Māori, as well as how it has contributed to language revitalisation strategies in sectors beyond broadcasting.</p>

Understanding the Māori Television Service’s Policy and Legislation: The First Ten Years

<p>he Māori Television Service emerged in 2004 after many years of political agitation by Māori for the New Zealand government to protect and promote Māori language and culture. Given the subsequent broadcaster’s role in promoting te reo me ngā tikanga Māori, this research project seeks to answer the questions: what strategies for language revitalisation are revealed in the Māori Television Service’s governing policy documents produced from 2003-2013, and how are the Māori Television Service’s strategies for language revitalisation informed by the operating environment of the broadcaster? To answer these questions, discourse analysis of the Māori Television Service’s governing policy documents, and those which inform it, is used to reveal the broadcaster’s strategies for language revitalisation. These documents are contextualised in relation to the wider Māori language struggle, the New Zealand broadcast industry, and socio-political, cultural and economic shifts between 2003 and 2013. Such contextualisation demonstrates the purpose of the broadcaster’s strategies for language revitalisation, how and why these strategies have changed and how these shifts reflect the Māori Television Service’s negotiation of different stakeholders. Research findings suggest that the Māori Television Service has deployed a range of strategies that enable it to meet its legislative obligations as well as respond to community and industry stakeholders. These strategies include building an audience for its language programming content, operating as a financially prudent Māori organisation, and developing programming strategies in light of technological shifts. The thesis argues that these strategies contribute to the naturalisation and normalisation of te reo me ngā tikanga Māori within the national imaginary, and that these reflect key tactics for language revitalisation as set out in the 2003 Māori Language Strategy. The thesis also identifies a shift from the Māori Television Service’s focus on language programming quantity to language programming quality, and a shift to focusing on te reo speakers over a broad viewer base, across the ten year period of the broadcaster’s existence. The thesis aligns these more recent language programming strategies in relation to current changes in language revitalisation activities. In revealing the competing pressures faced by the broadcaster, this thesis highlights the role the Māori Television Service has played in increasing the symbolic value of te reo Māori, as well as how it has contributed to language revitalisation strategies in sectors beyond broadcasting.</p>

‘To Me, Socialism Is Not a Set of Dogmas but a Living Principle’: Harry Atkinson and the Christchurch Socialist Church, 1890-1905

<p>In the early 1890s Harry Atkinson, the subject of this thesis, travelled to England and spent a year as foundation secretary of the Manchester and Salford Labour Church. In Manchester Atkinson worked closely with the Churchʼs founder John Trevor, took part in Labour Church services and worked with a variety of British socialist intellectuals and activists including Ben Tillett, Edward Carpenter and Robert Blatchford. Atkinson returned to New Zealand in late 1893 and three years later founded the Socialist Church in Christchurch. This was not a Church in the traditional sense—rather, it was a site for the debate, discussion and dissemination of radical and socialist literature and ideas, and a platform for political agitation and social reform. Its creed was to ‘promot[e] a fellowship amongst those working for the organisation of Society on a basis of Brotherhood and Equality’. Members of the Church included Jack McCullough, James and Elizabeth McCombs and Jim Thorn. The critical, yet downplayed, role that Atkinson played working behind the scenes as an important mentor and conduit in the emergent socialist subculture in Christchurch from 1896 to 1905 has been for the most part unexplored in New Zealand labour historiography. This thesis addresses this imbalance and examines the intellectual and associational activity of Harry Atkinson during the period 1890 to 1905 and reconsiders the work and key concerns of the Christchurch Socialist Church. It argues that the form of ethical socialism Atkinson experienced in Manchester, and later promulgated through the Socialist Church, has been mischaraterised as vague or, inaccurately, Christian Socialist. By situating Atkinson’s beliefs and activities within a wider transnational context of 1890s ‘New Life’ socialism, we can see his ideas and work as part of a broader ‘world of labour’, shaped by multi-directional flows and contacts. The varied networks through which Atkinson was exposed to books and ideas are illustrated and the thesis attempts to trace the diversity of his, and others, associational activity. It suggests that the colonial New Zealand socialism of the 1890s was not ‘without doctrine’, and that individuals engaged in richer intellectual and associational lives than is often acknowledged. However, it is shown that Atkinson and members of the Church, though inspired by foreign or overseas experiences, ideas and literature, focused primarily on local issues. These are also surveyed and include agitation for municipal government, female equality and the radical reform of democratic institutions. It is argued that a reconsideration of the lived experience of Atkinson and his wider circle provides a lens to investigate some important aspects of colonial New Zealand radicalism and socialism, outside the usual foci of trade unions, the workplace and formal labour politics.</p>

‘To Me, Socialism Is Not a Set of Dogmas but a Living Principle’: Harry Atkinson and the Christchurch Socialist Church, 1890-1905

<p>In the early 1890s Harry Atkinson, the subject of this thesis, travelled to England and spent a year as foundation secretary of the Manchester and Salford Labour Church. In Manchester Atkinson worked closely with the Churchʼs founder John Trevor, took part in Labour Church services and worked with a variety of British socialist intellectuals and activists including Ben Tillett, Edward Carpenter and Robert Blatchford. Atkinson returned to New Zealand in late 1893 and three years later founded the Socialist Church in Christchurch. This was not a Church in the traditional sense—rather, it was a site for the debate, discussion and dissemination of radical and socialist literature and ideas, and a platform for political agitation and social reform. Its creed was to ‘promot[e] a fellowship amongst those working for the organisation of Society on a basis of Brotherhood and Equality’. Members of the Church included Jack McCullough, James and Elizabeth McCombs and Jim Thorn. The critical, yet downplayed, role that Atkinson played working behind the scenes as an important mentor and conduit in the emergent socialist subculture in Christchurch from 1896 to 1905 has been for the most part unexplored in New Zealand labour historiography. This thesis addresses this imbalance and examines the intellectual and associational activity of Harry Atkinson during the period 1890 to 1905 and reconsiders the work and key concerns of the Christchurch Socialist Church. It argues that the form of ethical socialism Atkinson experienced in Manchester, and later promulgated through the Socialist Church, has been mischaraterised as vague or, inaccurately, Christian Socialist. By situating Atkinson’s beliefs and activities within a wider transnational context of 1890s ‘New Life’ socialism, we can see his ideas and work as part of a broader ‘world of labour’, shaped by multi-directional flows and contacts. The varied networks through which Atkinson was exposed to books and ideas are illustrated and the thesis attempts to trace the diversity of his, and others, associational activity. It suggests that the colonial New Zealand socialism of the 1890s was not ‘without doctrine’, and that individuals engaged in richer intellectual and associational lives than is often acknowledged. However, it is shown that Atkinson and members of the Church, though inspired by foreign or overseas experiences, ideas and literature, focused primarily on local issues. These are also surveyed and include agitation for municipal government, female equality and the radical reform of democratic institutions. It is argued that a reconsideration of the lived experience of Atkinson and his wider circle provides a lens to investigate some important aspects of colonial New Zealand radicalism and socialism, outside the usual foci of trade unions, the workplace and formal labour politics.</p>

George Floyd’s Murder

George Floyd’s murder by the police in Minneapolis provoked widespread political agitation across the country. It once again highlighted the problematic racial dimension of policing and eggregious violation of human rights commitments on the part of the government. In this article we explore how the human rights law and racism in the United States interact with each other? We employ qualitative research based on descriptive-analytical method and divide the article in four parts: a brief introduction, a historical background of racism, a conceptual comprehension of racial discrimination and a brief survey of the international human rights instruments against racism, and the onground situation of racial discrimination in the country. We conclude that the process of negotiation between human rights law and racism in the United States is far from settled yet.

The Radical Campaigns of John Baxter Langley

Once notorious but now largely forgotten, the political idealist and radical John Baxter Langley was typical of the well-educated and ethical Victorians who struggled to create a fairer, more equal society. Through a long and wide-ranging career of political agitation he was a journalist, editor and owner of several newspapers, was prominent in the call for franchise reform, and opposed religious legislation that prevented Sunday entertainment and education for working men and women. Langley was also integral to the founding of a trade union, campaigned for an end to public executions and built affordable housing in Battersea. Internationally, he condemned the Second Opium War, exposed British brutality in India and worked covertly for Lincoln’s administration. He was a fellow-traveller for many other key radicals of the day, while his founding of the ‘Church of the Future’ garnered the support of Charles Darwin, James Martineau and John Stuart Mill. Through a chronological narrative of Langley's activities, this book provides an overview of many of the most significant political causes of the mid- to late nineteenth century. These include electoral reform, feminism, slavery, racism, trade unionism, workers' rights, the free press, leisure, prostitution, foreign relations and espionage. A neglected but important figure in the history of nineteenth-century radicalism, this work gives John Baxter Langley the attention he deserves and reveals the breadth of his legacy.

Music and Resistance. Cultural Defense During the German Occupation of Norway 1940-45

The role of music during the German occupation of Norway (1940-45) proves to be an exceptional case for cultural opposition in a dictatorship. Few famous musicians, some local celebrities and innumerous hardly known activists preferred artistic instead of militant means to demonstrate reluctance, spread information, contradict the legitimacy of the German occupants and raise the moral strength of fellow countrymen in Norway and abroad, while risking to be caught, incarcerated and driven into exile. The indispensable advantage was the popular belief of art as an apolitical matter so that music even could reach into fields that would have been inaccessible to open political agitation. Based on considerable findings in public archives and private collections, this book discusses music in concentration camps in Norway and the fate of Jewish musicians, portrays choirs, military ensembles, orchestral and church music in Norway, analyzes Harald Sæverud’s 5th symphony and Moses Pergament’s choir symphony Den Judiska Sången, illustrates the exile of musicians in Stockholm and discusses resistance music in historic media such as the Errol Flynn-movie Edge of Darkness (1943), recapitulated by a model for music as resistance.

Annie Besant's Fight for Home Rule in India, 1910s–1920s

Annie Besant is famous in England for her involvement in the socialist revival in the 1880s. In 1889, she adopted theosophy and decided to focus on moral and spiritual reform. She moved to India, which she considered the mother of spirituality in order to pursue her goal. In the following two decades, though she often came back to Britain, she almost completely severed the links with the British left. However, in the 1910s and 1920s, she was again at the forefront of political agitation and she had to deal with labour movements again, both in Britain and in India. This chapter acknowledges the large and controversial historiography concerning Annie Besant’s involvement in the Indian nationalist movement. Rather than focusing on specific events, it seeks to draw attention to the global logic of her fight for Home Rule in India which extended well into the 1920s. By using primary sources, some of which have remained unexplored so far, it also aims to analyse how she related her political struggle to labour movements.

Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era

Islam The paper intends to address the fundamental question that whether the movement for cultural revival in Sindh during the One-Unit period was a surrogate effort for the achievement of political goals or it was an effort by the Sindhi intelligentsia to protect Sindhi culture against the government's patronized onslaught of foreign cultures and to ensure the survival of cultural personality of indigenous Sindhis. The abolishment of Sindh's provincial status in 1955 to create a unified province of West Pakistan, also called as One-Unit, had triggered a campaign in Sindh to regain the provincial status. The political environment was not permissible for any overt political agitation, so a vigorous campaign for cultural revival spearheaded by the intelligentsia and educated youth emerged with vigor. The study focuses on investigating the goals and objectives of the movement by qualitative analysis of data and concludes that the movement endeavoured to protect and strengthen the distinctive cultural personality of indigenous Sindhis within Pakistan.