scholarly journals Paul’s exercise of authority in the Letter to Philemon: A perspective from the 4th and 5th centuries CE

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Francois Tolmie

The way in which Paul exercises his authority in the Letter to Philemon has been studied from various angles, but as far as could be determined, the reception of this aspect of his letter by its interpreters in the fourth and 5th centuries CE. has not yet received much attention. Accordingly, this aspect is addressed in this study. The views of the following six interpreters are discussed (in chronological order): Ambrosiaster, Jerome, Pelagius, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Theodoret of Cyrus. It is shown that each of them has his own view in this regard, but that two general trends can nevertheless be identified: Firstly, all of these writers accept that Paul had authority over Philemon; and secondly, the commendable way in which Paul exercised this authority is a regular theme in their works.Keywords: Letter to Philemon, Church Fathers, Authority

2016 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Francois Tolmie

The reception of rhetorical elements in the Letter to Philemon by Patristic exegetes. The aim of this study is to offer an overview of the way in which Patristic exegetes interpreted the rhetorical aspects of Paul’s Letter to Philemon. Although a rhetorical analysis of the letter was not the matter which interested them as such, one can still obtain a fairly good idea of the way in which they perceived such aspects by reading their explanations of this letter. Accordingly, the contributions of all the Patristic exegetes in this regard are studied systematically in this study. The interpretations of the letters by Ambrosiaster, Jerome, John Chrysostom, Pelagius, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret of Cyrus are investigated from this angle. In each case, the most important comments on Paul’s rhetorical strategy are identified and discussed.Keywords: Pauline Letters; Letter to Philemon; Rhetorical Analaysis; Patristic Exegetes


2015 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Francois Tolmie

Paul, the peacemaker. On the reception of the Letter to Philemon in the 4th and 5th centuries AD. By means of his letter to Philemon Paul attempted to make peace between Philemon and his slave, Onesimus. The theological aspects of this endeavour have been discussed often in academic circles, but thus far little attention has been given to what the practical implications of this would have been for Philemon’s household. In this article, this issue is addressed from a particular perspective, namely how this aspect was interpreted by Christians in the 4th and 5th centuries CE. The interpretations of the Letter to Philemon by Ambrosiaster, Jerome, John Chrysostom, Pelagius, Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret of Cyrus are then investigated systematically in order to determine what their views were in this regard. It is shown that they all agreed that Philemon would (or would have no choice but to) forgive Onesimus, and that Onesimus would have turned into a better slave. All of these interpreters agreed that there would not be any drastic social changes in Philemon’s household although it does seem as if one of them, Ambrosiaster, realised that what Paul expected of Philemon could have had serious consequences for the relationship between Philemon and Onesimus.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-315
Author(s):  
Jan Iluk

In 1CorHom, edited in the autumn and winter of 392 and 393 AD, John Chrysostom found a natural opportunity to return to his numerous utterances on the role of love in the lives of people. Obviously, the opportunity was the 13“ chapter of this Letter - The Song of Love. Among his works, we will find a few more smali works which were created with the intention of outlining the Christian ideał of love. Many of the contemporary monographs which were devoted to the ancient understanding of Christian „love” have the phrase „Eros and Agape” in their titles. In contemporary languages, this arrangement extends between sex and love. Both in the times of the Church Fathers (the 4th century AD) and currently, the distance between sex and love is measured by feelings, States and actions which are morę or less refined and noble. The awareness of the existence of many stops over this distance leads to the conviction that our lives are a search for the road to Agape. As many people are looking not so much for a shortcut but for a shorter route, John Chrysostom, like other Church Fathers, declared: the shortest route, because it is the most appropriate for this aim, is to live according to the Christian virtues that have been accumulated by the Christian politeia. There are to be found the fewest torments and disenchantments, although there are sacrifices. Evangelical politeia, the chosen and those who have been brought there will find love) - as a State of existence. In the earthly dimension, however, love appears as a causative force only in the circle of the Christian politeia. Obviously, just as in the heavenly politeia, the Christian politeia on earth is an open circle for everyone. As Chrysostom’s listeners and readers were not only Christians (in the multi-cultural East of the Roman Empire), and as the background of the principles presented in the homilies was the everyday life and customs of the Romans of the time, the ideał - dyam] - was placed by him in the context of diverse imperfections in the rangę and form of the feelings exhibited, which up to this day we still also cali love. It is true that love has morę than one name. By introducing the motif of love - into deliberations on the subject of the Christian politeia, John Chrysostom finds and indicates to the faithful the central force that shaped the ancient Church. This motif fills in the vision of the Heavenly Kingdom, explains to Christians the sense of life that is appropriate to them in the Roman community and explains the principles of organised life within the boundaries of the Church. It can come as no surprise that the result of such a narrative was Chrysostonfs conviction that love is „rationed”: Jews, pagans, Hellenes and heretics were deprived of it. In Chrysostonfs imagination, the Christian politeia has an earthly and a heavenly dimension. In the heavenly politeia, also called by him Chrisfs, the Lord’s or the


2018 ◽  
pp. 348-373
Author(s):  
O. Ermakov

The article is devoted to the book Letters from the War, 1941-1945 [Pis’ma s voyny. 1941-1945], which comprises 139 letters written by A. Tvardovsky to his wife while he was on the front lines. The letters offer a sequence of insights into the poet’s soul affected by the violence of yet another whirlwind of history. They reveal a lot about the poet’s personality and creative method. These 139 letters are a testimony of a great love as well as creativity in times of war. The paper has a very straightforward plot: the author examines the letters in chronological order, starting with the first one, written in 1941, all the way to the last one, dated 1945. The research cites other resources, including ancient Indian poetry, Homer’s Odyssey, a story by a contemporary journalist about the life of evacuees (famous writers) in the small town of Chistopol, A. Kondratovich’ book Aleksandr Tvardovsky, Three Soldiers by J. Dos Passos, A. Bek’s reminiscences, and V. Akatkin’s article A. T. Tvardovsky’s Finnish Sketches in the Dialogue of Epochs [Finskie zapisi A. T. Tvardovskogo v dialoge vremen]. What sets this paper apart from other studies is the use of personal observations and insights collected by the author during his service in Afghanistan in the 1980s.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 49-50

The charters and letters in each section are listed in alphabetical order of beneficiary or addressee. Where a number of acts are addressed to the same beneficiary, they are listed in a putative chronological order. Where a date range is offered for an act wider than one year it is in the format (0000 × 0000) taking the earliest possible and latest date as the terminal points. Where there are specific dating clauses given by the texts, they have to be interpreted within the whole range of the way medieval people defined a year. Thus 1141 could begin as early as what we would call 25 December 1140 and carry on till as late as Easter (19 April) 1142. In general it may be assumed that the predominant Bedan or incarnational dating would be what an English clerk would intend: that is, either beginning the year at Christmas as Bede advocated or at the point of Jesus's conception, the feast of the Annunciation (25 March). So where the charter carries the actual date ‘1141’, the apparatus for the charter will interpret this as ‘25 December 1140 × 24 March 1142’. If a specific day of issue is given between 1 January and 24 March, as for instance ‘11 March 1142’, it will be given in the form of ‘11 March 1142/3’, since either year might be intended.


1976 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Talbert

In spite of its popularity, the contention that the Christian conception of Jesus as a descending-ascending saviour figure was derived from the gnostic redeemer myth faces serious problems. Three are widely noted; another needs attention. (I) The sources from which our knowledge of the gnostic myth comes are late: e.g. the Naassene hymn, the hymn of the Pearl, the Mandean materials, the Manichean evidence, the accounts in the church fathers, and the Nag Hammadi documents. Sources from Chenoboskion like the Paraphrase of Shem, the Apocalypse of Adam, and the Second Logos of the Great Seth do contain a myth of a redeemer that is only superficially christianized. Hence the gnostics may not have derived their myth from Christians. It does not follow, however, either that Christians got it from gnostics or that it is pre-Christian. (2) A redeemer myth is not essential to gnosticism. Though gnosticism may contain a redeemer myth (e.g. the Naassene hymn), it may exist without one. In Carpocrates' system, for example, Jesus' soul remembered what it had seen in its circuit with the unbegotten God. The Ophites in Origen'sAgainst Celsusknow of no descending-ascending redeemer. They look to an earthly being who fetches gnosis from heaven. InPoimandres, the writer is the recipient of a vision in rapture. He then teaches the way of salvation. Indeed, the proto-gnosticism of Paul's opponents in I Corinthians apparently did not contain a redeemer myth. Such evidence demands that a distinction be drawn between two issues: (a) whether or not there was a pre-Christian gnosticism, and (b) whether or not there was a pre-Christian gnostic redeemer myth. Since a redeemer myth is not constitutive for gnosticism, the existence of a pre-Christian gnosis is no guarantee for the presence of a gnostic redeemer myth. (3) In the Christian sources where the gnostic myth has been assumed to be influential (e.g. the Fourth Gospel), there is no ontological identity between Christ and the believers as in gnosticism. There is, in the Christian writings, no pre-existence of the soul or redeemed redeemer. Given these difficulties, why the attractiveness of the gnostic hypothesis?


1914 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 157-182
Author(s):  
S. Arthur Strong

The republican art of Rome and Latium has been much neglected. Even the admirable article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica which is signed by one of our foremost scholars, the same writer's Companion to Roman Studies, and the article on Roman art in the Cambridge Companion to Latin Studies begin the subject of Roman art with Augustus, or give only the briefest of indications for what precedes; yet more can be done in the way of reconstructing a picture of the earlier period than most archaeologists suppose, and it is my purpose in the present paper to show how the fictile decorations from the early Latin temples can be used to this end. My examples are taken mainly from the collection of terracotta recently arranged in the new wing of the Museo di Villa Giulia. These form a homogeneous group from sites in the immediate vicinity of Rome, and they are exhibited as far as possible in chronological order, so that the development of this branch of art can be studied from its earliest manifestations to its decay in the last century of the republic, when terracotta decoration had to give way to the marble sculptures introduced in the wake of Hellenistic art.


2008 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Sylwia Kaczmarek

The series of the eight homilies on Genesis written by John Chrysostom include many clues to why the article was chosen. It is considered on the grounds that it is leitmotiv. It is the clue of the order of beings – settled at the moment of creation, spoiled by sin, looked to be restored by human effort and fully realized in Christ. This order, which consists on the different relations, is shown as the important point of interest in the examination of the others clues. We are referring to the dignity of the man created in God’s image as well as similitude; the system of the dependencies between the beings; the significance of the sin of the people at the beginning and other sins; the idea in which God loves man; the salvation and the reward of the Kingdom of Heaven. This article tends also to show, how Chrysostom looks to help his followers during their meeting Christ, in the way of the studying the Scrip- ture, of dogmas and of the life, which should be coherent to the Scripture.


reader. This is the riddle. The answer emerges in the battle, when the Blemmyes rush forward like madmen (all this is seen from the Persian point of view, without explanation), throw themselves to the ground and stab upwards with their swords into the horses’ unprotected bellies as they thunder over their heads (9.17-18), and then butcher the dismounted knights through the one vulnerable point in their armour, between the legs, as they lie helpless, too heavy to move. Meanwhile the Seres part ranks to reveal Hydaspes’ corps of elephants, the sight of which throws the cavalry into panic. Ethiopian archers pick off the survivors by shooting arrows through the eye-slits in their helmets. Unobtrusive clues to the stratagem were furnished in the description of the armour, where all the details which become important in the battle were unosten­ tatiously included. These examples present the riddle format over a medium-term narrative span. The pattern recurs with sufficient frequency for us to identify it as a characteristic feature of Heliodoros’ narrative technique. To reiterate, release of information is deliberately con­ trolled so as to entice the reader into identifying and answering, with varying degrees of certainty, questions posed by the narrative. The implied reader of the Aithiopika is compelled to be constantly engaged in interpretation and speculation, and must respond to the author’s games in order to actuate the text fully. Formalist critics earlier this century made a distinction between what they called histoire, that is the story as it ‘actually’ happened, complete and in chronological order, and ricit, that is, the way that the story is presented, the textual surface. To use their terms, Helio­ doros’ ricit consistently omits or postpones important aspects of the histoire, and the author communicates directly with the reader about the histoire through riddles, over the head of the narrator and his ricit. By this stage, it has probably become clear to anyone who knows the Aithiopika and the recent secondary literature on it that what I have been discussing is an exact counterpart in microcosm to the macrotextual structure of the whole work. This is where Heliodoros marks a spectacular advance over his predecessors in the romance form. At the end of the tradition, when Heliodoros was writing,10 two weaknesses of conventional romantic narrative must have become obvious. The first was its predictability: curi­ osity to know what happens next is the motor of reading any fiction, but with a stereotyped basic plot there can never be


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