Media, Public Opinion, and Political Action

2012 ◽  
pp. 351-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holli Semetko
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Gutiérrez Negrón

El Mono fue un semanario mexicano conservador que, en 1833, atacó consistentemente el gobierno liberal de Valentín Gómez Farías. A partir de un modo satírico que tomó de una novela italiana, El Mono criticó los cimientos de la política liberal: la soberanía popular, la opinión pública y la acción política. Sus editores insistieron que la política liberal no respondía a la razón, sino a vicios privados. Por ello, los únicos basamentos estables para la sociedad debían ser la moral, la tradición y la costumbre. Este trabajo muestra cómo esta crítica dependió del uso de la sátira juvenaliana. ABSTRACT El Mono was a short-lived conservative satirical newspaper in Mexico that, in 1833, consistently attacked the liberal government of Valentín Gómez Farías. Sustained by a mode of satire that it drew from an Italian 1749 satirical novel, El Mono’s editors undermined the conceptual foundations of liberal politics: popular sovereignty, public opinion and political action. Ultimately, for the editors, liberal politics responded neither to logic nor rational ideas, but to private vices. Thus, they held that the only stable grounds for society was morality, tradition and custom. This paper shows how this critique was developed through the use of Juvenalian satire.


Author(s):  
Robert Hariman

The concept of public culture refers most broadly to the dynamic negotiation of beliefs, values, and attitudes regarding collective association through media and other social practices that are defined by norms of open access and voluntary response. The concept is a recent innovation and applies primarily to modern societies, where public culture is the envelope of communication practices within which public opinion is formed; those practices can include news, entertainment, the arts, advertising, social media, and many other means for representing and judging any individual, institution, or custom having collective significance. The term “public” emphasizes relatively unrestricted communication across civil society regarding governance and other matters affecting the general welfare. The term “culture” emphasizes that public opinion depends on contextual factors that emerge through multiple media and embodied responsiveness. These considerations provide a basis for analysis of distinctively modern relationships across civil society, media technologies, and political action in a global context.


Author(s):  
Pamela Johnston Conover ◽  
Patrick R. Miller

Though it is often a casual byproduct of social interactions, everyday political talk is nonetheless vital to deliberative democracy. In this chapter, we review current empirical research establishing the importance of everyday political talk. We also explore the psychology of everyday talk, explaining how over time everyday political talk encourages citizens to clarify their preferences, and develop understandings of politics that reflect their interests and identities. Finally, we probe the links between everyday talk, the media, and the formation of public opinion. Overall, we argue that by developing in citizens both a broad understanding of politics and a language to discuss it, everyday political talk prepares them for political action, including deliberation in more formal settings.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mildred A. Schwartz ◽  
Raymond Tatalovich

Abstract To clarify why research examining the responsiveness of governments to public opinion produces mixed results, the authors focus on issues involving contested moral values that are known to be highly salient to the public and hence more likely to be linked to public policy. Canada and the United States, where the same issues have emerged, allow them to isolate the factors resulting in majoritarian congruence, where policies follow public opinion. The authors attribute finding even less congruence than previous research to the dominance of the courts in ruling on morality issues, although they also find a greater role for the legislature in Canada. The authors raise the possibility that the very salience of the issues inhibited political action from conflict-avoidant politicians.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Chambers

This major research paper is a qualitative study of American “Super PAC” advertising during the 2012 American presidential election. Super PACs, a type of “political action committee,” have the ability to collect unlimited funds to advertise on behalf of candidates and parties. Super PACs have attracted criticism from scholars due to the Super PACs’ negativity against opposing candidates. Using Albert Bandura‘s Social Cognitive Theory of Mass Communication, and existing literature on political advertising, this study explores public opinion on negative television commercials. It employs data collected by The Super PAC App – a mobile application that recorded individual reactions to political advertising. It also employs qualitative content analysis on 20 negative Super PAC advertisements using codes created by political scientist John Geer. The results suggest that users of the App generally disliked negative Super PAC advertisements. Furthermore, the results indicate there are certain characteristics within negative advertisements that make them more liked or disliked by users of the App.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Edina Strikovic ◽  
Toni G. L. A. van der Meer ◽  
Emma van der Goot ◽  
Linda Bos ◽  
Rens Vliegenthart

This study investigates the role of public opinion for members of parliaments (MPs) in a time in which communication about the will of “the People” is high on the political agenda. By means of face-to-face elite interviews with Dutch MPs, we explore who politicians perceive as “the People,” how they assess “the will of the People,” and how this translates into their communication strategies. We find that MPs distinguish between listening to individual opinion, to understand what topics are at the forefront of “the People’s” minds, and taking political action considering a more general public. MPs are divided in their acceptance of the term “the People”—some find it useful, while others voice concerns over its antipluralistic implications. We find evidence of populist communication strategies in the form of references to public opinion across the political spectrum. Political communication is used for political marketing and to connect to the electorate. We conclude that Dutch MPs are not becoming more populist across the political spectrum, but rather that there is a tendency toward personalization and authenticity in political communication, which makes “normal” political communication appear more populist.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Jamieson

Despite increasing evidence of the effects of climate change and scientific consensus about its threat, significant political barriers to climate action remain in the US. American public opinion about climate change is generally perceived as stable and sharply divided along partisan lines. However, less is known about the relationship between flood sensitivity and public opinion about climate change. Combining the ND-GAIN Urban Adaptation Assessment data of American cities with public opinion data from the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication, this paper demonstrates the positive association between flood sensitivity and beliefs about climate change, risk perceptions, and support for climate action. These results have important implications for the understanding of public opinion about climate change, suggesting that flood sensitivity shapes perceptions of climate change. The results also have important implications for advocates of political action, suggesting that making flood sensitivity salient could help mobilize public support for climate action.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Chambers

This major research paper is a qualitative study of American “Super PAC” advertising during the 2012 American presidential election. Super PACs, a type of “political action committee,” have the ability to collect unlimited funds to advertise on behalf of candidates and parties. Super PACs have attracted criticism from scholars due to the Super PACs’ negativity against opposing candidates. Using Albert Bandura‘s Social Cognitive Theory of Mass Communication, and existing literature on political advertising, this study explores public opinion on negative television commercials. It employs data collected by The Super PAC App – a mobile application that recorded individual reactions to political advertising. It also employs qualitative content analysis on 20 negative Super PAC advertisements using codes created by political scientist John Geer. The results suggest that users of the App generally disliked negative Super PAC advertisements. Furthermore, the results indicate there are certain characteristics within negative advertisements that make them more liked or disliked by users of the App.


Author(s):  
Bogdan Popa

In this chapter I criticize Martha Nussbaum’s theory of shame by drawing on Wendy Brown’s argument that silence offers a “shelter” for sexual radicals against the judgment of public opinion. A performative silence is important not only to protect eccentrics from the tyranny of social conformity but also to imagine possibilities for living in transformative relationships. I examine the early stage of Mill’s relationship with Harriet Taylor, discuss Mill’s relationship with a group of radical Unitarians, and analyse his carefully planned interventions. I show that Mill’s silences, rather than lacking feminist value, challenge the liberal feminist conception about political action.


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