National Identity and International Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (03) ◽  
pp. 117-129
Author(s):  
Elena Karsanova ◽  
Nikolai Omelchenko

The article is devoted to the historical evolution of theoretical representations about nationalism and its political practice in different countries, first of all in the European states. The authors come to the conclusion that in the conditions of growing social-economic and political international relations and getting more authority by sovereign states and national institutions nationalism is growing too. This process is a natural reaction to the threat to loose their national identity and the rise of nationalism continues to be a discussion point of modern nationalists project and movements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cisłak ◽  
Marta Pyrczak ◽  
Artur Mikiewicz ◽  
Aleksandra Cichocka

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kate Breach

<p>To win its seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in both 1993-94 and 2015-16, New Zealand campaigned using the same prime pillar; its ability to act independently on the world’s prime authority for maintenance of international peace and security. With the substantial change in New Zealand’s international relationships between the two UNSC tenures, most particularly with the United States of America and China, many commentators have questioned whether New Zealand still acts independently in international affairs. Employing analytic eclecticism, this thesis applied a combined analytical framework to assess the drive behind New Zealand’s actions during both its 1993-94 and 2015-16 UNSC tenures, allowing both traditional international relations theories of neo-realism and neo-liberalism and the constructivist lens of national identity to be combined for greater explanatory power for the state’s actions in the contemporary era of complex international interdependencies. This research determined that most of New Zealand’s actions aligned with pursuit of its interests, as a small state, as ensured through multilateralism under the lens of institutional neo-liberalism. However, a number of actions taken, and strong positions held, by New Zealand on the UNSC in both periods did not align with the state’s pursuit of material interests under traditional international relations theories. By first establishing the popularly internalised national identity characteristics (or content) during each UNSC tenure period, defined as residing in public opinion, this thesis argues that a ‘win-set’ of national identity content relative prioritisation during each period enabled, and arguably drove, New Zealand’s political elite to take actions or hold positions not aligned with those of powerful states on which the small country’s material interests depended. It is argued that New Zealand’s actions on the UNSC in 2015-16 reinforced the social construction of New Zealand’s internationally regarded national identity content as an independent advocate for the global good, which was strongly established during its 1993-94 tenure.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-197
Author(s):  
Dean Cooper-Cunningham

Feminist scholars have provided important analyses of the gendered and racialised discourses used to justify the Global War on Terror. They show how post-9/11 policies were made possible through particular binary constructions of race, gender, and national identity in official discourse. Turning to popular culture, this article uses a Queer feminist poststructuralist approach to look at the ways that Ms. Marvel comics destabilise and contest those racialised and gendered discourses. Specifically, it explores how Ms. Marvel provides a reading of race, gender, and national identity in post-9/11 USA that challenges gendered-racialised stereotypes. Providing a Queer reading of Ms. Marvel that undermines the coherence of Self/Other binaries, the article concludes that to write, draw, and circulate comics and the politics they depict is a way of intervening in international relations that imbues comics with the power to engage in dialogue with and (re)shape systems of racialised-gendered domination and counter discriminatory legislation. Dibujando miedo a la diferencia: raza, género e identidad nacional en Ms. Marvel Comics


2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 985-1006
Author(s):  
Florence Gaub ◽  
Lotje Boswinkel

Abstract All Arab states, including the Gulf states, are regularly considered an anomaly in International Relations: allegedly artificially created, lacking clear identity, borders and sovereignty. We challenge this assertion by looking at one dimension of sovereignty often overlooked: the air space. We measure this assertion along the classical lines of sovereignty: do the states have the institutions, regulations and capacity to manage their air space, do they use it for economic and diplomatic purposes, do they have the means to conduct war in it, and does it feature in their national identity? We find that particularly since 1990, the Gulf States have affirmed their sovereignty markedly in all these areas. These findings show two things: that sovereignty can be a feature of a state regardless of the nature of its creation, and that it can be affirmed in a space previously overlooked, the air.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-65
Author(s):  
Zelal Özdemir

This study explores the reconstruction of Iranian national identity during the Mohammad Reza Shah era (1953 to 1979). Drawing on materials collected from the memoirs and statements of the Shah and the key actors of the era and using Historical Sociology in International Relations as its theoretical backbone, it aims to unravel the constitutive role of the international on the formation of Iranian state nationalism. It argues that in order to understand the meaning attached to being Iranian, we should look into the specifics of international- domestic interaction, as Iranian national identity has been framed and re-framed by the Shah alongside the changing dynamics born out of specific interaction between the domestic and international dynamics. The Shah’s interpretation of Iranian identity emerged and evolved at the intersection of his endeavours for gaining legitimacy against the legacy of Mosaddeq and his popular nationalism at the domestic level and for reclaiming the actorness of Iran during the Cold War at the international level. Playing inwards and outwards, the Shah sought to deconstruct the content of Iranian nationalism articulated by Mosaddeq and to give a new meaning to Iranian nationalism. Serving as the ideological glue of his state building, it was characterized by a strong belief in the rapid industrialization, emphasis on unity rather than diversity, uniqueness of Iranian identity vis-à-vis the East and the West, and presentation of the Shah as the real and moral representative of the Iranian people.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bukh

This chapter summarizes the findings of this book. It draws a number of conclusions regarding the factors that spur the emergence of territorial disputes—related national identity entrepreneurship, and analyzes the factors that account for the difference in the social reception of the narratives in the respective societies. It also outlines the implications of these case studies for our understanding of the social construction of a disputed territory and for the broader constructivist International Relations literature on national identity.


Author(s):  
Isra Shengul Chebi ◽  
Shukhrat Anvarovich Aytiev

This study interprets the modern understanding of ethnic and national identity. It was noted that there is an important connection between ethnic and national identity, created on the basis of nation-building processes. Since the 1990s, nationalism that has been at the top of the international agenda, new nations and state building processes, problems of ethnic identity, which have become an important item on the agenda in relations between states and international organizations, a new quest for democracy that develops through the recognition of differences, growing cultural conflicts in many regions from Asia to the American continent, and social movements based on identity have raised identity politics to an important position in international relations. In this context, international relations theorists, who have increased their ties to political theory in a way that has accelerated especially in the 1990s, are rebuilding the discipline's relationship with identity politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-81
Author(s):  
Radosław Antonów

POLISH STRUGGLE WITH WHITE SLAVE TRADE OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN AT THE TURN OF THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES: SELECTED POLITICAL, LEGAL AND SOCIAL ISSUESThe women and children trade, at first called the white slave trade, constituted for both Poland and Polish people a hazard to not only public safety but also to each person’s safety. Poland after regaining independence fought against this phenomenon not only on its own territory but also in the international relations, aspiring to the protection of Polish people against this crime. It should be emphasized that in period of the partitions of Poland the crime was used on the Polish territory by the partitioners to deprive Polish people of their national identity, to oppress and enslave them. Therefore, it can be assumed that this crime with reference to Polish people at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was used by the partitioner policy, especially on the territory of the Russian annexation and, because of that it gained a political nature — publications of Polish scientists, politicians and journalists of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate this.


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