To Work or Not to Work in a Facility with a Collective Bargaining Unit?

2020 ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 089590482110156
Author(s):  
Dustin D. Hornbeck

This study explores how teachers’ unions are responding to the growing policy of dual enrollment (DE). I reviewed all available collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) of public schools in Ohio, using qualitative content analysis to look for ways that CBAs are addressing DE policy. Analysis revealed four themes. The first theme suggests that teachers’ unions are incrementally bargaining provisions addressing DE into their CBAs. Of the 586 CBAs analyzed, 160 included provisions regarding DE. The three remaining themes centered around working conditions for teachers, including provisions related to monetary compensation, existential protection of bargaining unit members, and the protection of teacher time. Additionally, district typography was explored, revealing that wealthier/smaller school districts have bargained more teacher protections for DE than larger districts with less wealth. This study provides information about what might be of interest to teachers and policymakers when reforming DE policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-213
Author(s):  
BRYANT ETHERIDGE

Abstract:This article argues that federal labor policy was a factor in causing the Great Compression, the dramatic compression of skill-based wage differentials that occurred in the 1940s, and in bringing it to an end. By giving the National Labor Relations Board the power to determine the appropriate collective-bargaining unit, New Dealers gave industrial unions the means with which to build a more egalitarian wage structure. Unskilled and semiskilled workers seized the opportunity and voted themselves big pay raises. Skilled craftsmen responded by petitioning the NLRB for permission to form their own craft bargaining units, a process known as “craft severance.” As conservatives gained influence in Washington in the 1940s, the board adopted a bargaining-unit policy more favorable to craft unions. By the early 1950s, skilled craftsmen had regained control of their wage demands and thereby helped bring the Great Compression to a halt.


ILR Review ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Hebdon ◽  
Douglas Hyatt

Expansion of the rights of individual workers to refuse unsafe work and to make anonymous health and safety complaints has met with concerns that these rights might be misused so as to increase union bargaining power or to otherwise harass employers. The authors construct a database that merges work refusals and health and safety complaints with collective bargaining schedules, impasses, grievance arbitrations, and bargaining unit characteristics for 10,193 Ontario units in 1988 to determine how frequently these rights were exercised, whether they were more likely to be used during periods when collective agreements were being negotiated, and whether refusals and complaints were associated with other forms of industrial conflict. Although the exercise of these rights was more likely the more adversarial the industrial relations climate, the authors find little evidence that it was used for concerted harassment of employers.


ILR Review ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles M. Rehmus ◽  
Benjamin A. Kerner

In Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1977 that nonmembers of public employee unions might constitutionally be required to pay an agency shop or fair share fee to their bargaining representative, provided that such fees are used only to pay for the union's costs of collective bargaining and contract administration and not for its political expenditures. Thus far, seven states have grappled with the problem of attempting to define what kinds of union expenditures fall on one or the other side of this dividing line. This study shows that each state has approached the problem differently, developing varying answers to the procedural and substantive issues involved. The authors argue that these differences arise from the mistaken belief that the two types of union expenditures—political and bargaining—are for fundamentally different purposes and thus different rules should be applied to each. They contend that union-management relations in the public sector are inescapably political and, therefore, at least nonpartisan political expenditures should be charged against all bargaining unit members.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Göbel

‘No labour disputes are prevented—neither legally nor factually—by the statute on salary unity.’ This is the core assumption of this investigation, which is the exact opposite of the expectation of legislators that the proportionality of labour disputes has to be interpreted in line with the stipulations on salaries in BT-Drs. 18/4062, p. 12. This thesis is based on a comprehensive analysis, closely geared to the practical problems of salary unity and the interaction between the laws on collective bargaining and industrial action in terms of the proportionality of labour disputes, peace obligations and the principle of a workers’ collective bargaining unit. Following several works on the constitutionality of the statute on salary unity, this study is the first to present the practical effects of unified salary agreements in appropriate depth.


ILR Review ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 565-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. White

This study adopts the median voter model to analyze the influence of unions on wage structures within collective bargaining units. The model predicts that the intra-unit wage structure will be changed to increase the share of the total wage bill received by the median members of the bargaining unit. This prediction is examined through a case study of a collective bargaining unit, the faculty of the state university system in Minnesota. The changes in the wage structure of the unit proposed by the union and those ultimately implemented are both consistent with the median voter model.


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